What Good Representation of Autistic Characters Looks Like, Part I: Interiority and Neurology

Elizabeth Bartmess
elizabethbartmess.com

This is a three-part series. Part II explores Diversity in Autistic Characteristics and Demographics. Part III explores Setting, Plot, and Character Growth.
"A lot of writers and actors seem to be able to get their heads around what autism basically is, in terms of language, sensory, and social communication difficulties. But then it’s as if they don’t know, or can’t extrapolate to, the full range of experiences that autistic people actually live. That things have happened to us, and things have happened in certain ways for us all our lives, and those things have had consequences for who we become and who we are....[T]he autistic characters [readers and viewers] are used to seeing have no depth of experience. They are people without history." —Chavisory, at Chavisory's Notebook
This series is about what autistic characters look like when they're written well, when they have the depth of experience referenced in the above quote. I've included examples from books and short stories, mainly middle grade and young adult books and adult science fiction and fantasy, where I've found the best representation.

Today, I'll talk about interiority and neurology: how autistic people are people with inner experiences who do things for reasons, with those reasons influenced by common aspects of our neurologies. I'll give examples of good portrayals, and I'll talk about common consequences of having these kinds of experiences, and how they shape who we are.

Tomorrow in Part II, I'll talk about variation in autistic traits and in demographic characteristics, how others respond to us based on their perceptions and beliefs, and how that shapes us, along with examples of good portrayals. I'll also talk briefly about setting, plot, and character growth, and why they're relevant to good representation.

On Friday in Part III, I'll wrap things up and add some links for writers along with a list of some real-life things often missing from fiction. I'll also list all the books and short stories I've mentioned, with content warnings and links to reviews.

Although I've focused on autistic characters, I think much of this also applies to other disabled people and characters, particularly "autistic cousins": people who share significant life experiences with autistic people due to hydrocephalus, cerebral palsy, ADHD, PTSD/CPTSD, or something else. When I use the term neurotypical in this series, I'm using it to mean, loosely, "people who are neither autistic nor autistic cousins." Because I've focused on stories with autistic characters, I often wind up contrasting "autistic people" with "neurotypical people," but I don't mean that to suggest that there are no other people in the world.

Interiority: People With Inner Experiences Who Do Things For Reasons

Like all people, autistic people are people with inner experiences who do things for reasons. We differ neurologically from neurotypical people in various ways, including sensory perception, language and speech, social abilities and skills, and ability to take intense enjoyment in specific interests, and a variety of other things. We may also have co-conditions that aren't part of autism but are more common in autistic people, like depression or OCD.

Our neurological differences mean that our experiences can differ from neurotypical people's experiences, in significant ways. We might look like we're in the same situation as a neurotypical person, yet the situation can be different for us—and our actions need to be responses to the situations we're actually in.

When others don't understand our experiences and don't understand how our actions are meaningful responses to them, they may think our actions don't make sense, and try to control them in ways that are harmful to us. That changes the situations we're in, too.

These experiences build up over our lifetimes, and when we can, we develop strategies—sometimes quite effortfully—for coping with and influencing situations and others' responses to our actions.

Bad representation in fiction upholds the idea that our actions are "behaviors" without reasons or causes, and doesn't take into account that we change in response to our experiences. Good representation portrays autistic characters' experiences and actions as comprehensible, often through narration or (if the autistic character is not the viewpoint character) someone else's awareness of our experiences and the reasons for our actions—which can include our expectations and skills learned from past situations. Showing us as comprehensible helps neurotypical people understand autistic people better, and—importantly—lets autistic people see themselves understood and reflected, something that's often missing from real life and is extremely satisfying to encounter, whether in real life or in fiction.

While reading this, keep in mind that while autistic people have neurological differences from neurotypical people, we're not made up of neurological differences; we're full people whose experiences often differ from neurotypical people's, and whose strategies for living in the world have to take our differences into account.

Sensory Differences

Sensory differences can make the world more painful; they can also make some sensory experiences exceptionally meaningful and rewarding. Often other people don't understand the intensity of these experiences or how they affect us.

[image: The book You Look Different in
Real Life, with a black background, white
block text reading "You Look Different"
over blue script text reading "in real life"
over an illustration of four teens sitting on
a gray wall, with a hoodie-wearing teen
standing in front, with one arm raised.]
Many stories show our experiences of sensory overload, and how that leads to our responses. In You Look Different in Real Life, a group of teenagers are in a busy city looking for one character's missing mother. The autistic character, Rory, is undergoing increasing sensory overload, and her experiences are clearly shown through her body language: when a car honks, she jumps, freezes, and then breathes in slowly to get herself under control; she winces when people shout, when a baby cries, when dogs bark, and finally has a meltdown in response to sirens and kids shouting. (Note that while her breathing in slowly is a strategy, her meltdown is not. Meltdowns aren't strategies; they're involuntary responses that happen when all our other strategies for managing intolerable situations aren't enough.)

In The Someday Birds, Charlie has an overly intense sense of smell. He's on a cross-country road trip with family, and his siblings have adopted a dog who's packed into the car with them. Charlie describes his experience evocatively: "[The dog] started out smelling like rotting fish. Now he smells like rotting fish someone left in a public porta potty overnight. I am gagging so bad, I'm riding with my head out the window" (location 1167). Other stories that show sensory sensitivities particularly well include M is for Autism, The State of Grace, and Water Bound.

Many autistic people take special joy in particular sensory experiences, including stimming: forms of fidgeting like hand-flapping, rocking, leg-jiggling, which can help regulate sensory overload, lower anxiety, and increase concentration. In Water Bound, Rikki stims for enjoyment by using her magical ability to manipulate water. She also immerses herself in water's sensory qualities to calm herself; her relaxation and intense enjoyment are vividly described, as is her love interest's enjoyment when he psychically shares her sensory experiences. In M in the Middle, M's teacher shows her Van Gogh's paintings Sunflowers and Starry Night:
"And I was struck. Just like being love struck. I could feel myself slipping...disappearing, sinking into these orange colours and fragile textures....Little electric explosions fire off all round my body. It's like nothing I'd ever seen before and my eyes were sharpened!" (211-212).
Some stories show characters using stimming as a strategy to help self-regulate sensory overload or manage distress. In On the Edge of Gone, Denise is trying to get her family onto a generation ship after an apocalyptic meteor hits the Earth, and is overwhelmed from multiple stressful situations:
"I'm rocking, I realize....moving like this helps keep the thoughts at bay, lets me focus on the shifting, roiling pressure and relief, like that of shrugging into a soft robe after coming inside from the rain, or turning down the volume after it's been screeching in my ears for hours" (356). 
Some other stories with relevant stimming-as-coping-strategy scenes include Failure to Communicate and Queens of Geek.

All these stories show the autistic characters' sensory experiences and reasons for actions, either through narration by the characters themselves or evocative descriptions from someone who knows them well.

Language and Speech Differences

Autistic people can have various language and speech differences, including ongoing or intermittent difficulty or inability to speak, using speech in different ways, difficulty with auditory processing, and a preference for text over speech.

In "Difference of Opinion," Keiya, a janitor and a former anti-eugenics activist, uses a tablet to communicate, but is reluctant to communicate at all, both because it's difficult to organize her thoughts and because she's had her past work co-opted for non-disabled people's inspiration and edification. In "Iron Aria," the protagonist Kyru's difficulty with expressive speech is described in sensory, immediate terms: "The words clink and scrape, wrong angles and too loud against his teeth." In A Wizard Alone (New Millennium Edition), Darryl needs extra time to compose most spoken sentences; when the protagonist, Kit, takes on some of Darryl's characteristics as a result of magic, he has even more difficulty speaking, because he has Darryl's difficulties with speech but not Darryl's strategies for managing it. In Experimental Film, the autistic protagonist Lois's also-autistic son Clark uses echolalia to communicate: he "speaks mainly in echolalia; haphazardly grafting great chunks of memorized dialogue from movies, cartoons, commercials, and songs together to get a point across" (locations 266-267). In An Unkindness of Ghosts, Aster learned to speak late and speaks pedantically and precisely as an adult; she sometimes has difficulty speaking, and uses echolalia to help prompt herself back into speech. Many other stories show or reference ongoing or episodic speech difficulties or differences, including "Geometries of Belonging," "Grandmother-nai-Leylit's Cloth of Winds," Al Capone Does My Shirts, M in the Middle, "They Jump Through Fires," A Wizard Alone (New Millennium Edition), Failure to Communicate, and The Real Boy.

The State of Grace shows auditory processing difficulties visually on the page, during a date at a sensorily overloading bowling alley:
"I can't hear very well and now my brain's doing that thing it does where it sort of goes on a
delay
so
when
someone
speaks
I
watch their mouth move but the processor takes a moment to translate the words and by the time I've caught what they mean they've started to say something else." (127-128). 
Aster from An Unkindness of Ghosts has similar intermittent auditory processing problems.

Multiple stories reflect a common real-world autistic preference for text over speech. In Unauthorized Access, Aedo notes that typing would give her:
"a chance to get all the information in the right order instead of just blurting it out and hoping the recipient could extract the meaning from all the noise....If she sat down and thought through the sentences, she wasn’t talking fast enough; if she talked fast enough, her words were a mess. She was so much more comfortable in text, where latency was fine." 
The autistic protagonists in Queens of Geek and A Boy Called Bat share this preference.

These stories use various techniques to show characters' interior experiences and the reasons their speech and comprehension differ, including direct explanation by the protagonist, other characters' observations, and the actual appearance of text on the page.

Social Skills and Abilities

Autistic people often have difficulty performing social interactions in ways expected of us. In addition to language and speech difficulties, we may be unable to get adequate information about what other people mean or want, may not know what responses are expected, or may be unable to enact those responses. Despite this, we can work quite hard to learn them.

In The Real Boy, Oscar, a young boy who's learned to interpret the nonverbal behavior and words of the people he lives with, has difficulty understanding people he knows less well:
"They said words they did not mean, and their conversations seemed to follow all kinds of rules–rules that no one had ever explained to Oscar. And if that weren’t enough, people talked in other ways, too, ways that had nothing to do with the things coming out of their mouths" (31). 
This description makes his difficulty enacting socially expected responses completely comprehensible. Other stories that show similar issues: An Unkindness of Ghosts, The State of Grace, On the Edge of Gone. A Desperate Fortune, Harmonic Feedback, and Rogue reference extensive past support from family members in learning to interpret and respond to social situations, and in Failure to Communicate the protagonist has learned on her own through intensive observation.

Even when we do know what responses others expect from us, performing them can be intensely draining. Good portrayals acknowledge this cost. In The State of Grace, Grace describes the burden this imposes:
"[M]y head is full of all the things I have to remember when I'm being a person every day: don't be rude, don't stare, don't look blankly into space when you're not thinking anything, shut down the noises of everything talking, concentrate, hold it together, don't have a meltdown.…Oh God" (101-102). 
Eye contact is a particular point of contention, because it's often uncomfortable and uninformative. In On the Edge of Gone, Denise's love interest asks whether eye contact hurts her. She responds:
"'Eye contact? No. Maybe it hurts for some people, but not for me. It's...' I've tried for years to put it into words. All the things I want to compare it to—music that's too loud, flavor that's too strong, images that flash too quickly—are different for other people too, so it never feels quite right....'I can do it for, like, half a second. Anything longer is just too much. Too intense. It scrambles my brain.' It's intimate, I think but don't say aloud" (232). 
In A Rational Arrangement and A Boy Called Bat both autistic protagonists note that the information others expect them to get from eye contact simply isn't there. Other stories: M is for Autism, How to Become a Robot in 12 Easy Steps, Anything But Typical.

Although we're stereotyped as lacking empathy, many autistic people describe high levels of empathy, though often difficulty figuring out how other people want us to express it. In A Boy Called Bat, Bat wants to do something kind for his sister Janie, so he gives a pet baby skunk Janie's favorite pajama top so the skunk will develop a bond with her; when this upsets her, he suggests a way to make her feel better. In Rogue, Kiara uses her skills with video editing and setting scenes to music to evoke in her mother the empathy Kiara feels for her friend Chad, who has gone through a particularly devastating family situation. Other stories with good portrayals of empathy include Queens of Geek, Failure to Communicate, A Wizard Alone (New Millennium Edition), and A Desperate Fortune.

Sometimes, we develop unusual social strengths due to workarounds. We frequently interact with people whose communication is not intuitive to us, and consciously learn skills for it. Several speculative fiction stories extend this, showing an autistic character as the first person to figure out how an alien species communicates ("Touch of Tides," "Becoming," and Failure to Communicate).

In these stories, we see characters' social difficulties, the reasons for those difficulties, their consequences, and the skills they develop—as well as the effort that goes into learning and enacting those skills. When this is shown on the page, our social miscommunications are more comprehensible to neurotypical readers, something especially important in a real-world context where our social difficulties are sometimes misinterpreted as being uncooperative or unempathic.

Special Interests

Many autistic people derive intense enjoyment, and sometimes other benefits, from special interests in particular topics. These provide fun and respite in an often-unfriendly world, although neurotypical people don't always understand the extent to which they're important and valuable, and may try to take them away from us.

In Harmonic Feedback, Drea's special interest is sound design. She becomes absorbed in sounds and ideas when making music with her friends:
"My fingertips buzzed with anticipation, and I heard a billion different guitar melodies over the top....Every note made me shiver, each one building into something even more amazing...It tore at my gut and haunted my mind until all I wanted to do was get lost in it for hours" (110-111). 
In Al Capone Does My Shirts, Moose's sister Natalie has a collection of buttons which she has memorized and loves to arrange; when a school takes them away from her, it's extremely upsetting to her. In The State of Grace, "You Have to Follow the Rules," and Queens of Geek, characters' special interests in real and fictional fandoms are fun, rewarding, and social.

In some cases, special interests help us make sense of the world. In Rogue, Kiara uses her special interest in the X-Men to help her understand other people, by mapping people and events onto ones she's read about. In You Look Different in Real Life, Rory explains why she finds Tudor-era history so compelling:
“Because it’s full of characters who are more interesting than the ones in any fiction book I’ve read, except these were real people. The more I learn about them, the more I learn about people in general” (109). 
In "Difference of Opinion," the protagonist, Keiya, frequently references relevant lyrics from her favorite singer Nash, using them to characterize situations and to help cope.

Some special interests can facilitate a career, when economically valued and when we have the other skills or support needed to develop them. In "The Scrape of Tooth and Bone," Lillian uses her robotics skills to maintain robots used on fossil excavations; in A Desperate Fortune, the protagonist, Sara, works as a code-breaker; in This Alien Shore, Masada is an expert programmer, and his wife (also autistic) was a musician; and in Experimental Film Lois previously worked as a film critic and teacher.

The stories I've included for this series have many other examples of special interests, including birds (The Someday Birds), writing (Anything But Typical), rocks ("Inappropriate Behavior"), herbs (The Real Boy), and magic ("Geometries of Belonging"); in "Difference of Opinion" the protagonist has multiple special interests, including the fictional singer Nash and polar coordinates.

By showing what special interests do for us, good representation helps show how our interests are reasonable and valuable. It's important to note, though, that special interests don't have to lead to a career or social connections to have value—any more than hobbies do.

Other Common Neurological Differences

Earlier, I talked about sensory, language, and social differences, plus skills and special interests. Autistic people have many other common neurological differences, as well as co-occurring neurological conditions; often, these are underrecognized in real life and underrepresented in fiction.

Executive function refers to the many abilities needed for planning and carrying out tasks. This can include many daily life activities that neurotypical people have relatively little difficulty with, like remembering what you're doing, changing from one task to another, or keeping your space clean. I've only found a couple instances of executive function difficulties in stories with good representation: In "Inappropriate Behavior," Annie attempts to alert her therapist to an emergency situation; she has difficulty with working memory, and when he repeatedly interrupts her, she's unable to remember it long enough to keep bringing it up. In The State of Grace, Grace can't keep her room clean, to the point that the carpet can't be seen. When her grandmother helps clean out her room, they throw away trash bags' worth of junk.

Executive dysfunction is valuable to portray because it's often misunderstood as laziness or willfulness, rather than an inability that's intensely frustrating to us—a common misconception that results in counterproductive demands that we "just do" things that are very effortful or impossible.

Change is especially hard; routines and structures help. Change disrupts the structure and routines that help us manage executive dysfunction, sensory overload, and stress and anxiety. In A Wizard Alone (New Millennium Edition), a character notes that structure is important because it helps autistic people manage the pressure and intensity of daily life. In M is for Autism, M describes what happens when her timetable for the day suddenly changes: "A vast, scary nothingness is opening up ahead of me which I cannot measure or feel, like other people seem to" (63). It's valuable to portray why change is hard and how routines and structures help us, because in real life they are often treated as irrelevant and counterproductive attachments that we need to be broken of—rather than the coping skills that they actually are.

Motor difficulties are common in autistic people. These include difficulty initiating, planning, and coordinating movements, and difficulty imitating others' movements. In Failure to Communicate, the protagonist has both gross motor issues and fine motor issues; she can't tie a knot, has difficulty navigating uneven ground, and has to work very hard to learn the complex system of bows used by the culture she's being a diplomat for. The autistic character in "Geometries of Belonging" often falls and breaks things. In "Difference of Opinion," there's a toe-walking scene with socially trenchant commentary. Motor difficulties are also briefly referenced in Blind Lake, Al Capone Does My Shirts, A Wizard Alone (New Millennium Edition), and A Boy Called Bat, though they don't play a role in the story. Showing that these are neurological differences related to autism, rather than carelessness or laziness, is important.

Other neurological differences: The State of Grace references prosopagnosia (difficulty recognizing faces) and sleep dysregulation. Failure to Communicate and "They Jump Through Fires" both portray grieving in ways that don't necessarily match what's expected of us. The protagonist in Failure to Communicate has difficulty remembering to eat and eating enough, causing the captain of her ship to explicitly assign people to make sure she at least eats protein bars. A Wizard Alone (New Millennium Edition) references intense emotions, and hyperfocus and burnout are both important to the storyline. On the Edge of Gone and "Difference of Opinion" both show self-injury as a consequence of severe stress.

There are many other autistic characteristics I haven't (yet) found good representation of, and I'll mention some on Friday.

Co-Conditions: Various neurological and psychiatric conditions are more likely in autistic people, such as synesthesia ("Touch of Tides," "Becoming," Failure to Communicate), OCD (The Someday Birds), anxiety (vividly described in both Queens of Geek and M is for Autism), depression (Experimental Film, "How to Become a Robot in 12 Easy Steps"), and ADHD (referenced in Harmonic Feedback). Representing these is valuable both because it reflects real life and because autism is commonly overlooked in favor of other conditions by healthcare providers (though the reverse sometimes happens, too). These aren't the only common co-conditions, and I'll mention some of these on Friday as well.

Intellectual disability is common in real life, though rarer in good representation. I could not find good representation with explicitly intellectually disabled autistic characters, although there are several characters who may be, including Natalie from Al Capone Does My Shirts, Kami from "Grandmother-nai-Leylit's Cloth of Winds," and Clark from Experimental Film (who his mother Lois mentions can't be assessed because he's not currently able to take standardized tests). Good representation with intellectually disabled characters is important because in real life, intellectually disabled people's experiences are often discounted by other people, despite being as real and important as everyone else's experiences.

Conclusion, And a Note About Voice and Detail

Today I've talked about how good representation portrays our interiority, including how our experiences influence our actions, and how those experiences build up over time and affect who we are and how we approach situations.

Many of these stories are narrated in first person, in realistic voices. The characters primarily describe their experiences rather than describing themselves as they would be seen through a neurotypical person's eyes. This helps avoid the phenomenon where characters perform autism for an assumed-neurotypical audience, whether through a narrative style that focuses the audience on the character's otherness at the expense of the story or by being turned into a self-narrating zoo exhibit. It's realistic, and it helps autistic readers connect with the characters, too.

Often stories with good representation do include more detail when describing autistic characters' experiences and actions than when describing neurotypical characters' experiences and actions. This helps neurotypical people understand us better; it also helps build autistic readers' trust and let us see ourselves reflected and understood. In an ideal world, we wouldn't need any extra detail, because autistic people would already be understood, and we'd be able to see ourselves reflected in real life. But we don't live in that ideal world; we live in this one.

An important caveat: in real life, giving this level of detail is effortful and sometimes impossible. We might sometimes decide to do so anyway, but we shouldn't be required to justify our actions, disclose very personal details, and be extremely skilled at explanation to receive support and understanding.

In Part II, I'll talk about how autistic people vary both in autistic traits and demographic characteristics, how other people respond to us, and how that affects us. In Part III, I'll talk briefly about how everything I've discussed relates to setting, plot, and character growth. I'll also give some links for writers, a list of some real-life things often missing from fiction, and a list of books and short stories I've mentioned.
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Why Is the Autistic Unemployment Rate So High?

Office
Photo © Terry Chay | Flickr/Creative Commons
[image: A colorful office workstation with two large computer monitors.]
Maxfield Sparrow
unstrangemind.com

In the United States, thirty-five percent of Autistic eighteen-year-olds go to college. Of those American Autistics with university diplomas, only 15 percent are employed. This 85 percent unemployment rate (among college-educated Autistic adults) is massive—the general population’s unemployment rate (at all education levels) is only 4.5 percent.

There are some obvious reasons for this disparity. Just as with all Disabled people, workplace understanding and accommodations are a huge reason why Autistic people have such a hard time finding and keeping employment. Making it past an interview can be an insurmountable hurdle for many of us. While organizations and employer programs are popping up to help Autistic adults find and keep employment, with an estimated 50,000 new Autists entering the workplace every year, the few programs that exist cannot possibly keep up with the demand.

What many don’t realize is that the Autistic unemployment rate is higher than the unemployment rate for all disabled Americans in general (disabled people comprise about 20% of the population and have an unemployment rate of 10.5%) and higher than the unemployment rate for non-Autistic Americans with developmental disabilities (people with intellectual disabilities have an unemployment rate around 21%.)

Aren’t There So Many Unemployed Autistic People Because of Those With Severe
Disabilities?

In case you aren’t familiar with unemployment terminology, I should note that these unemployment rates for disabled Americans do not reflect whether some of us are too disabled to work at all. By definition, an unemployment rate only counts those who are ready to work and actively seeking employment. The Census Bureau divides the adult population into various groups, and people of working age are either counted as being in the workforce or not. Someone who is not in the workforce is not only not working but not even looking for work. The unemployment rate for any group of people—whether Autistic, Disabled, or the general population—is the percentage of the workforce who are not employed. Those too disabled to work are not in the workforce to begin with.

This also means that those Autistics who have become discouraged by the difficulty in finding employment and have given up looking for a job are not counted in these unemployment figures. Autistics who are living in institutions such as jails or hospitals are also not being counted in the unemployment figures. A much higher percentage of all Autistic adults than that 85% unemployment rate are not working for a variety of reasons. Those adults who are not institutionalized and who are prepared to work and could be in the workforce but have given up are called “discouraged workers.”

In the United States, the estimated number of discouraged workers in the general population is 451,000. The CDC has estimated an autism prevalence of 1 in 68. If that proportion also applies to discouraged workers, that would mean 6,632 discouraged Autistic workers. I couldn’t find a statistic for how many of those discouraged workers are Disabled or Autistic, but the actual statistics are so horrifying I don’t really need to add discouraged workers to those numbers to convey the employment crisis Autistic adults are facing.

So Why Are So Many Autistic Adults Unemployed?

The unemployment rate for all Disabled people is 10.5%. That rate accounts for stigma, lack of understanding, lack of appropriate accommodations, internalized and external ableism, plus all the reasons that lead to the 4.5% unemployment rate in the general population. The unemployment rate for Disabled people with non-autistic developmental disabilities is roughly twice that, at 21%. That leaves another 64 percentage points unaccounted for when we are looking specifically at Autistic members of the workforce.

I’d like to try to connect the dots a little bit by talking about a few of the special issues Autistic people face when we can’t find and keep employment as well as factors that drive some Autistic people from the workforce, converting them to discouraged workers.

Unusual Stigma Pattern

All disabilities come with social stigma and presumptions of incompetence. Autism comes with a particularly unusual set of assumptions that leave the Autistic person pressed from both directions into a pinched space no one can actually live or work in. This twin set of oversimplifications about who and how Autistic people are may be one of the biggest barriers to employment we face.

Most people get their understanding of autism from television and the movies, so the average person “understands” autism through models like the counter of toothpicks and playing cards who is re-institutionalized because he can’t use a toaster safely. On the other end of the representation spectrum are the socially naive surgeons people tolerate because they’re so incredibly brilliant at saving lives. Actual Autistic adults seeking employment fall somewhere inbetween those two portrayals by an extremely wide margin, which means there’s no room for us.

People who think autism is Rain Man will not even consider hiring us, because being Autistic means we’re obviously incompetent. If they meet us and we do not come across as incompetent, we’re obviously lying about being Autistic—not something likely to make an employer interested in hiring us.

People who think autism is savant geniuses like Dr. Virginia Dixon from Grey’s Anatomy and Dr. Shaun Murphy from The Good Doctor don’t understand why we need accommodations if we’re so brilliant and accomplished. They are disappointed, or even angry, when they learn we’re bright and motivated but just regular people. (My apologies to you if you actually are a real-life brilliant Autistic superstar like Dr. Temple Grandin, whose work in animal husbandry and slaughterhouse design is accepted internationally as the game-changing genius work it truly is. The majority of us are not.)

The vast majority of Autistics in the workforce fall through this “crack” between too-low expectations and too-high demands and either get turned away from employment or offered underemployment positions that do not pay enough money to support us. If we do not disclose our autism, we are viewed as “weird” or even “creepy” by potential employers and co-workers who can see our differences but can’t understand what is behind them. If we do disclose our autism, we face the strangely-shaped stigma that comes from not being well understood by a population flooded with “autism awareness” campaigns that deliver little useful content that could lead to genuine autism acceptance.

“Falling Off The Cliff” of Low Expectations

When Autistic people reach age 21, they age out of most available services. Some people call this “falling off the cliff” because of the drastic change one day (a birthday) makes is as sudden as hiking along a trail only to step off the edge of a cliff. When that cliff comes, it hits hard, especially for those who were previously underestimated and thus not prepared for employment. I have watched schools and families underestimate Autistic young adults and actively steer them away from an employment path. When those young adults age out of the system, there is nothing available to correct the skewed trajectory they have ended up on.

What happens to those who fall off the cliff? Some never enter the workforce in the first place. Some try and end up gravely underemployed. Some end up as discouraged workers. Some end up institutionalized. Statistics tell us that many end up dead from suicide. A study of newly diagnosed adults with Asperger’s syndrome found that 66% had felt suicidal, and 35% had attempted suicide. Of course that doesn’t count the number who attempted suicide and succeeded—we just don’t have statistics for that. We don’t know how many lives have already been lost, many before even being identified as Autistic and being counted among the 85% of unemployed Autistics and unknown number of Autistic discouraged workers.

Multiple and Sometimes Conflicting Needs

Not only do Autistic workers and Autistic would-be workers face the struggle for acceptance and the struggle for accommodation, but Autistic people experience a higher-than-average rate of other issues that affect employability such as gender and sexual identity issues and other, co-occurring disabilities.

Autistic people are seven times more likely to be Transgender than the general population. Since the Transgender unemployment rate is three times the unemployment rate among the general population, the intersection of autism and gender identity issues is bound to be another aspect that explains the high rate of unemployment among Autistic people. Other marginalized gender and sexual identities experience high rates of workplace discrimination and poverty as well. These difficulties compound the employment struggles Autistic people already face.

As for other disabilities, nearly half of all Autistic people meet the criteria for anxiety disorders, between 10% and 33% of Autistic people qualified for the workforce have epilepsy, around 30% of Autistics also have obsessive-compulsive disorder, Autistic people experience at least double the amount of sleep disorders as the general population, and so on. There are other conditions that are not yet strongly documented in scientific literature but which the Autistic community has noticed appearing at a much increased rate among us, for example Ehlers-Danlos syndrome. Just as being multiply disabled presents extra challenges in education, it presents extra struggles in employment.

An example from my own life: in addition to being Autistic, I have other disabilities. Two of them have access needs that conflict with each other in ways that significantly narrow the pool of jobs I am capable of pursuing. I have a circadian rhythm disorder called N24 that requires me to have a great deal of sun exposure in order to maintain a schedule compatible with work. At the same time, I have Ehlers-Danlos Syndrome which significantly limits me physically, ruling out jobs like park ranger, groundskeeper, or construction worker. I am not physically capable of the heavy manual labor that comes with outdoor jobs but an indoor job makes it impossible for my brain to keep accurate time, sending me into a schedule more fit for living on Mars. I can’t keep a job when I keep falling asleep in the middle of a sentence at work!

Draconian and Discouraging Social Security Rules

To continue with my own situation, I realized I would have to “think outside the box” when it comes to employment, so I have been self-employed for the last several years, working on building up my own business. I have run into many other Autistic people who are pursuing or attempting to pursue the same course themselves.

The main ingredients to self-employment are possessing a strong skill that there is also a demand for and having sufficient support to develop that skill into marketable products and/or services. Some governments even offer support, such as Australia’s New Enterprise Incentive Scheme. Autistic self-employment can get pretty far outside the box. For example, Brad Fremmerlid assembles IKEA furniture for a fee. That’s a business so many people are eager and grateful for that it’s surprising it didn’t already exist.

In my own case, I’ve come up against all the difficulties of starting and running one’s own business—including the fact that my business is still not fully independently supporting me—and something even worse: Social Security rules. The Social Security Administration wants disabled people to work. Their rules for those who pursue traditional employment are generous and easy to work with. Since most jobs provide regular paychecks, a person’s Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) is reduced according to what their monthly income is. (I apologize for focusing on the U.S. here. I don’t have experience working in other countries.)

As a self-employed worker, my income is irregular. One month it can be very high and another month it can be very low. My business expenses are also variable and sometimes the highs and lows of expenses do not come in the same months as the highs and lows of income. After some wrestling over the royalties from my memoir, No You Don’t, the Social Security Administration (SSA) and I came to an agreement: I would file taxes every year and they would adjust my benefits check based on my tax return amount.

As it turns out, they weren’t able to stick to their side of the agreement. I had a phone interview with the SSA late last year in which they insisted that I had to pay them back for an overpayment due to my income being too high. I tried to talk about the plan we already had in place but they would have none of it. They docked my SSI check.

Now that I have filed taxes, I see that not only did they not overpay me at all, I had a business loss last year. My business expenses were slightly higher than my business income. So now I am struggling along on a diminished benefits check and the same uncertain, variable business income and expenses. One thing has changed: once again, I am wondering why I am doing this? Why am I working so hard to build a business only to have to pay the government and have zero profits to live on?

This is not just my story. I have heard similar versions of this from so many other Autistics trying to start or continue their own royalty-based business for their writing, art, music, etc. I am dangerously close to leaving the workforce and returning to the ranks of the discouraged workers. After all, why should I try if the government is just going to break its word to me, and come take away what little I have?

What Help Is Available?

If you’re still with me, you’re probably reeling from the bleak picture I’ve painted. Fortunately it’s not all so grim! First, an 85% unemployment rate means that 15% of Autistic workers are employed! Okay, that’s a horrible statistic, but those people who make up that 15% need us to remember them and support them. Many of them are just hanging on by a thread and could lose their job any day. Many of them are stressed to the edge of breaking. They need more accommodations and more understanding. While we need to work hard to improve life for the 85% who are not succeeding, we can’t forget to take care of that 15% who have jobs.

When it comes to self-employment, in addition to government programs to encourage small businesses and the assistance and mentorship of offices of Vocational Rehabilitation, you can check out this mini-guide written by a self-employed Autistic for other Autistic people who are considering self-employment: Self-Employed Aspie. Cynthia Kim has more than one iron in the fire, since she wrote this series before starting the company you are probably more familiar with, but she’s also the entrepreneur behind Stimtastic. Another popular article written by an Autistic for other Autistics is Silent Wave’s essay: Self-employment for people on the Asperger’s/autism spectrum.

There are a few companies out there attempting to match Autistic workers with understanding employers. A big complaint a lot of people have about these companies is how computer-focused they are. There is an assumption that all Autistic people are great with computers and should go into computer work for a living. This is untrue, and focusing only on computer work leaves a huge number of unemployed Autistics out in the cold.

On the other hand, many Autistic people actually are good with computers and attempts to help reduce our unemployment rate had to start somewhere. Matching Autistics up with computer jobs was easy, and so between stereotypes and the path of least resistance, this is what we have the most of right now. I suggest we thank those people who are working to offer us computer jobs and ask if they have anything else. I am grateful that these tech companies exist and I will do all I can to keep getting the word out to people who might want to start another business to help us: we need a wider variety of job types available to us, please!

With that said, here are some of the groups that I’m aware of. Some don’t immediately look like job-finding organizations but have indicated in interviews that they do this work. When in doubt, contact a group to see if and how they can help you. In no particular order:



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Autism, Transmasculine Identity, and Invisibility

Transgender Pride flag
The Transgender Pride Flag
By SVG file Dlloyd based on Monica Helms design [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons
[image: A flag with five horizontal stripes. The center stripe is white, flanked by two pink stripes,
then a light blue stripe at the top and the bottom.

Devin S. Turk
@devinst97

Everyone in my life knows that I’m transgender. Comparatively, very few people know about another major part of me: that I’m autistic.

At age twenty-one, I’ve come to understand that many of my young adult years have centered around trying to bridge the gap between my two ways of being: The way that I present myself to the world, and the way that I perceive who I am. I imagine that someday, hopefully soon, those two components of my life won’t feel far apart. And hey, sharing this essay might even help.

I realized I was trans when I was fifteen, but just a year before had come a revelation of similar scale and importance to me; my diagnosis of Asperger’s syndrome (which is now referred to as Autism Spectrum Disorder.) I experience many symptoms or “traits” of ASD, and I won’t mention all of them here, but it’s worth saying that my traits are not obvious to the untrained eye. Underneath the mask, though, lies a deep unsureness of how to regulate social interaction. To cope, I copy, or “mirror” other people in order to appear more socially fluent and less awkward. And it works. Many people close to me might say that I “blend in” very well, in more ways than one.

Now that I’ve been on testosterone hormone replacement therapy for close to three years now, my voice is deeper, my jaw is squarer, and I even have a bit of facial hair. When I tell people that I was assigned the sex “female” at birth, they often say something to the effect of “I would have never guessed!” This is typically meant as a compliment, but to me, it feels patronizing.

In an eerily parallel way, people react very similarly when I disclose to them that I’m autistic. In both scenarios, the disbelief is caused by the preconceived notions of what it “looks like” to be transgender or autistic. I credit the testosterone as the reason I am not read as female, and to some degree, I credit my socialization as a reason I am not perceived as autistic.

Professionals who diagnose Autism Spectrum Disorder are, in general, proficient at recognizing autistic traits in males. After all, the original model for autism was based on studies of mostly young boys. Some doctors are still catching up to being able to recognize such traits in girls and women, but people are becoming increasingly aware that autism presents itself differently in girls than in boys. For example, autistic girls are more likely than boys to be masters of “social camouflage,” which masks their traits of ASD.

So, where do I fit into this framework as a transmasculine person? Yes, I identify as more male than female. However, I lived the first eighteen years of my life as a girl, and so I believe many of my ways of interacting with the world are byproducts of being socialized as female. But when I walk into my doctor’s office, they will likely overlook the significance of my history because they see that I now present as male, despite having a lot of learning experience in the world as a girl.

I’m the same degree of socially clumsy and unsure as when I was presenting as female, yet doctors who are new to my case and doctors who don’t know me well are less likely to agree with my diagnosis. Doctors will commonly overlook my noticeable lack of eye contact and my significant difficulties with Sensory Processing Disorder (which is a common co-occurring condition in autistic people) or severely under-appreciate just how utterly exhausting it is for me to engage with others. Maybe they don’t understand how much my executive dysfunction holds me back. Maybe they don’t believe me when I tell them that when I’m alone, I often flap my hands when I get excited as a means of expression, or that I rock back and forth when I’m focused on something. All of these experiences are very real to me, and yet they seem invisible to so many medical professionals, simply because I don’t outwardly appear to check all the boxes while I’m sitting across from them.

In addition to feeling unheard and unseen, my autistic traits are sometimes swept under the clinical rug and regarded as symptoms of conditions such as depression or severe social anxiety. I suppose it’s an easy enough mistake to make, but such a misunderstanding of my neurotype can lead to misdiagnosis, which could potentially then cause doctors to prescribe medicine and recommend treatments that may do more harm than good.

After receiving handfuls of labels from the DSM as well as literally dozens of unsuccessful psychiatric medications over the years, I’ve learned that much of the way I am is not something to be treated with various therapies and pills. This is not to say that autistic individuals cannot experience things like depression or anxiety which may be very much relieved via therapy and/or medication. I have simply realized that in my specific situation, the best route from here forward is perhaps to make peace with and embrace the qualities that set me apart from neurotypicals, or those who don’t experience neurological differences.

The intersection of being both autistic and transgender is more common than one might think. While the dialogue around autism and gender identity is expanding, I have a bit of trouble figuring out where I fit into the whole picture. So, I decided to do my own research, and while this subject is a fairly new field of study, I found some pretty astounding statistics:

In 2014, a U.S. study of 147 children (ages 6 to 18) diagnosed with ASD found that autistic participants were 7.59 times more likely to express gender variance than the comparison groups. Another study, conducted in the UK in 2015, involved 166 parents of teenagers with Gender Dysphoria (63% were assigned female-at-birth.) Based on parents’ report of their children on the Social Responsiveness Scale, the study found that 54% of the teenagers scored in the mild/moderate or severe clinical range for Autism.

The relationship has only begun to be explored in research in recent years, but I’ve come to realize that there are a lot of autistic trans people out there in the world. As someone who very much values human connection and simultaneously struggles with it, I have to say that looking at those figures provided me an amount of comfort. I discovered that there are a lot of people just like me.

Being autistic and being transgender certainly each has their own respective challenges, though one that they share is a lack of societal acceptance due to stigma. Many people still believe that who I am as a transmasculine person is inherently invalid, just like many other people still believe autism is some kind of tragedy that is to be cured. In contrast, I feel very strongly that who I am as a person is heavily dependent on both my trans and autistic identities, and that they are beautiful things. 

I would not be the person I am today if I did not have the incredible perspective that being transgender as well as being autistic has given me. My worldview has been altered by these two factors in particular in ways that I consider enlightening. Sure, I have tough days. But would I exchange all that I am in return for the promise of a simpler, more typical life? Most definitely not. Because after all, I’ve found that one of the best things about being dealt a different hand of cards is the unambiguous and fulfilling joy that is learning to accept oneself wholeheartedly.
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Character Development:: Some perfectionists have a dark side


Control Freak Perfectionist
kurtbubna.com

A "control-freak" perfectionist, a.k.a., the other-directed
perfectionist as described in this research.
We all know someone who is a perfectionist.  In fact, it may be someone who drives you crazy, or, maybe you're driving yourself crazy with your own perfectionism.  On the positive side, most successful men and women, sometimes described as are type A personalities, have a streak of perfectionism in their make-up.

According to this new research out of the University of Kent in England, there are three types of perfectionists, one of which has a dark side.  The question researched is whether a character expects their own life and work to be perfect, or, whether they expect the lives and work of others to be perfect.  This is a distinction I had never considered until I read this study.
  • By the way, earlier research posted on SNfW shows that perfectionism is a major factor in many suicides, something else for a writer to consider in crafting character.  (Link below).
A related question to ask, at least from my point of view, is your character a perfectionist or simply meticulous?  Someone who is meticulous is going to do a careful job at what they do, but to my thinking, this is not a pursuit of perfection.  I also feel that being a perfectionist is why some writers rarely if ever submit work to a publisher or producer - because the writer feels their work isn't perfect.

These are considerations not only for the characters you develop, but perhaps in your writing career as well.

Here's the report:
*  *  *  *  *

How other-oriented perfectionism
differs from self-oriented and
socially prescribed perfectionism

"Other-oriented perfectionism is a 'dark' form of
perfectionism positively associated with narcissistic,
antisocial and uncaring personality characteristics."

The type of perfectionist who sets impossibly high standards for others has a bit of a dark side. They tend to be narcissistic, antisocial and to have an aggressive sense of humor. They care little about social norms and do not readily fit into the bigger social picture. So says Joachim Stoeber of the University of Kent in the UK, who compared the characteristics of so-called other-orientated perfectionists against those of perfectionists who set the bar extremely high for themselves. The study is published in Springer's Journal of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment.

What is perfectionism?
Perfectionism is a personality trait that is characterized by the setting of extremely high standards and being overly critical of oneself or others. Psychologists recognize three types of perfectionism, each with different beliefs, attitudes, motivations and behaviors.
  1. "Self-oriented" perfectionists have exceedingly high personal standards, strive for perfection and expect themselves to be perfect. In comparison,
  2. "socially prescribed" perfectionists believe that being perfect is important to others and therefore strive to be flawless. People who have one of these tendencies all tend to be highly critical of themselves. In contrast,
  3. "other-oriented" perfectionists are only disparaging and judgmental about others. Not only do they expect other people to be perfect, but they can also be highly critical of those who fail to meet their expectations. Previous research done by Stoeber has found that such perfectionists tend to have the so-called "Dark Triad" personality traits of
Stoeber takes his research one step further by investigating how the three types of perfectionists differ in their social behavior and the type of humor they engage in, among other traits. For this purpose he questioned 229 university students.

Self-oriented perfectionism is pro-social
Stoeber found self-orientated perfectionism to be the only one of the three forms that has a pro-social element to it. Even though they focus on themselves, they show an interest in others, care about social norms and about others' expectations. They prefer affiliative humor that enhances relationships, and shy away from aggressive jokes.

Socially prescribed perfectionists, on the other hand, make self-deprecating jokes, have a low self-esteem and a low self-regard, and often feel inferior. They can be quite antisocial and unemotional, and do not respond well to positive feedback.

Other-oriented perfectionists in turn have quite an aggressive sense of humor, which is used at the expense of others. This is just one of the many uncaring traits they have that make them disregard the expectations of others and social norms. They have a sense of superiority and do not easily fit into a bigger social circle, making them quite antisocial.

"Other-oriented perfectionism is a 'dark' form of perfectionism positively associated with narcissistic, antisocial and uncaring personality characteristics," Stoeber summarizes his findings.

Related stories:
*  *  *  *  *
Story Source:  Materials provided by Springer Science+Business Media.  Stoeber, J. How other-oriented perfectionism differs from self-oriented and socially prescribed perfectionism: Further findings. Journal of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment, May 2015
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Stone Age Iberians Send Culture But Not Genes Across Europe

Source:  Nature

Ancient-genome study finds Bronze Age ‘Beaker culture’

invaded Britain.  (Click to read Nature article)




Copper Age Iberians 'exported' their culture 
-- but not their genes -- all over Europe

"The Neolithic people who built Stonehenge almost disappear
and are replaced by the populations
from the Beaker culture from the Netherlands and Germany."

Prehistoric Iberians 'exported' their culture throughout Europe, reaching Great Britain, Sicily, Poland and all over central Europe in general. However, they did not export their genes. The Beaker culture, which probably originated in Iberia, left remains in those parts of the continent. However, that diffusion was not due to large migrations of populations that took this culture with them. 

These are the conclusions of an international study in which the Spanish National Research Council (CSIC) was involved. Its findings, published in the journal Nature, indicate no evidence of any genetic outflow from Iberia to those areas has been discovered. "Therefore, the diffusion of the Beaker culture from Iberia is the first example of a culture being transmitted as an idea, basically due to a question of social prestige (since it was associated with the virtues of being virile and of being warriors), which is why it is adopted by other populations," indicates researcher Carles Lalueza-Fox, from the Institute of Evolutionary Biology, a mixed research centre run by CSIC and the Pompeu Fabra University, in Barcelona, Spain.

Image result for Bell Beaker pottery
Atlantipedia
Between 4,700 and 4,400 years ago, a new type of bell-shaped beaker pottery (left) was introduced throughout western and central Europe. For more than a century, archaeologists have been trying to determine whether the spread of this beaker pottery -- and the (Beaker) culture associated with it -- represented a large-scale migration or whether it was due simply to the exchange of new ideas.

Now, this new study, which includes DNA data from 400 prehistoric skeletons collected from sites across Europe, resolves the debate of whether the spread was due to migrations or ideas, indicating that both arguments are correct. The findings show that the culture which produced these bell-shaped beakers extended from Iberia to central Europe without a significant movement of populations, although the Beaker culture would spread to other places through migrations at a later date.

The study, whose first author is the Spanish researcher Íñigo Olalde, a geneticist at Harvard Medical School, shows that once the (Bell) Beaker culture reaches the centre of Europe (around Germany and its surrounding area), it expands backwards to other places, notably to the British Isles. Yet, in this case, it does represent a migration, replacing around 90% of the population with it.

"That is to say, the Neolithic people who built Stonehenge (and who had a greater genetic similarity with Neolithic Iberians than with those from Central Europe) almost disappear and are replaced by the populations from the Beaker culture from the Netherlands and Germany. This replacement is almost absolute in terms of the Y chromosome, which is transmitted by the paternal line, indicating an extreme reproductive bias, and therefore a previously unheard of social dominance. The backward flow also reaches other places such as Italy (at least in the north) and Iberia. I believe it is possible that this is also associated with the expansion of the Celtic or Proto-Celtic languages," Mr. Lalueza-Fox points out.

Coordinated by researcher David Reich from Harvard University, the study was developed by an international team of 144 archaeologists and geneticists from institutions in Europe and the United States.

Full report:  The Beaker phenomenon and the genomic transformation of northwest Europe.

Bell-Beaker culture
Beaker folk, Late Neolithic–Early Bronze Age people living about 4,500 years ago in the temperate zones of Europe; they received their name from their distinctive bell-shaped beakers, decorated in horizontal zones by finely toothed stamps. (Their culture is often called the Bell-Beaker culture.) The graves of the Beaker folk were usually modest single units, though in much of western Europe they often took the form of megalithic tombs. A warlike stock, they were primarily bowmen but were also armed with a flat, tanged dagger or spearhead of copper, and a curved, rectangular wrist guard. Their extensive search for copper (and gold), in fact, greatly accelerated the spread of bronze metallurgy in Europe. Probably originally from Spain, the Beaker folk soon spread into central and western Europe in their search for metals. In central Europe they came into contact with the Battle-Ax (or Single-Grave) culture, which was also characterized by beaker-shaped pottery (though different in detail) and by the use of horses and a shaft-hole battle-ax. The two cultures gradually intermixed and later spread from central Europe to eastern England.

Story Source:  Materials provided by Spanish National Research Council (CSIC). Iñigo Olalde, Selina Brace, Morten E. Allentoft, Ian Armit, Kristian Kristiansen, Thomas Booth, Nadin Rohland, Swapan Mallick, Anna Szécsényi-Nagy, Alissa Mittnik, Eveline Altena, Mark Lipson, Iosif Lazaridis, Thomas K. Harper, Nick Patterson, Nasreen Broomandkhoshbacht, Yoan Diekmann, Zuzana Faltyskova, Daniel Fernandes, Matthew Ferry, Eadaoin Harney, Peter de Knijff, Megan Michel, Jonas Oppenheimer, Kristin Stewardson, Alistair Barclay, Kurt Werner Alt, Corina Liesau, Patricia Ríos, Concepción Blasco, Jorge Vega Miguel, Roberto Menduiña García, Azucena Avilés Fernández, Eszter Bánffy, Maria Bernabò-Brea, David Billoin, Clive Bonsall, Laura Bonsall, Tim Allen, Lindsey Büster, Sophie Carver, Laura Castells Navarro, Oliver E. Craig, Gordon T. Cook, Barry Cunliffe, Anthony Denaire, Kirsten Egging Dinwiddy, Natasha Dodwell, Michal Ernée, Christopher Evans, Milan Kuchařík, Joan Francès Farré, Chris Fowler, Michiel Gazenbeek, Rafael Garrido Pena, María Haber-Uriarte, Elżbieta Haduch, Gill Hey, Nick Jowett, Timothy Knowles, Ken Massy, Saskia Pfrengle, Philippe Lefranc, Olivier Lemercier, Arnaud Lefebvre, César Heras Martínez, Virginia Galera Olmo, Ana Bastida Ramírez, Joaquín Lomba Maurandi, Tona Majó, Jacqueline I. McKinley, Kathleen McSweeney, Balázs Gusztáv Mende, Alessandra Mod, Gabriella Kulcsár, Viktória Kiss, András Czene, Róbert Patay, Anna Endrődi, Kitti Köhler, Tamás Hajdu, Tamás Szeniczey, János Dani, Zsolt Bernert, Maya Hoole, Olivia Cheronet, Denise Keating, Petr Velemínský, Miroslav Dobeš, Francesca Candilio, Fraser Brown, Raúl Flores Fernández, Ana-Mercedes Herrero-Corral, Sebastiano Tusa, Emiliano Carnieri, Luigi Lentini, Antonella Valenti, Alessandro Zanini, Clive Waddington, Germán Delibes, Elisa Guerra-Doce, Benjamin Neil, Marcus Brittain, Mike Luke, Richard Mortimer, Jocelyne Desideri, Marie Besse, Günter Brücken, Mirosław Furmanek, Agata Hałuszko, Maksym Mackiewicz, Artur Rapiński, Stephany Leach, Ignacio Soriano, Katina T. Lillios, João Luís Cardoso, Michael Parker Pearson, Piotr Włodarczak, T. Douglas Price, Pilar Prieto, Pierre-Jérôme Rey, Roberto Risch, Manuel A. Rojo Guerra, Aurore Schmitt, Joël Serralongue, Ana Maria Silva, Václav Smrčka, Luc Vergnaud, João Zilhão, David Caramelli, Thomas Higham, Mark G. Thomas, Douglas J. Kennett, Harry Fokkens, Volker Heyd, Alison Sheridan, Karl-Göran Sjögren, Philipp W. Stockhammer, Johannes Krause, Ron Pinhasi, Wolfgang Haak, Ian Barnes, Carles Lalueza-Fox, David Reich. The Beaker phenomenon and the genomic transformation of northwest Europe. Nature, 2018.
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People can be convinced they committed a crime that never happened

Credit: © jedi-master / Fotolia

"Our findings show that false memories of committing crime with police contact
can be surprisingly easy to generate, and can have all the same kinds of complex
details as real memories," says psychological scientist and lead researcher Julia
Shaw of the University of Bedfordshire in the UK.


The human animal is complex in some very surprising ways.  There are people who become known to police for confessing to crimes they couldn't have committed, even becoming serial confessors.

According to this study, over three quarters of study participants came to believe they committed an offense through the techniques used to interview them.  The implication is that an interviewee can be lead to believe he committed a crime and to confess, even though they are completely innocent of a crime that never occurred.

Something to think about.

Here's the report with a link to the complete study.
*  *  *  *  *

People can be convinced they committed
a crime that never happened

". . .false memories of committing crime with police contact can be surprisingly easy to generate."

Evidence from some wrongful-conviction cases suggests that suspects can be questioned in ways that lead them to falsely believe in and confess to committing crimes they didn't actually commit. New research provides lab-based evidence for this phenomenon, showing that innocent adult participants can be convinced, over the course of a few hours, that they had perpetrated crimes as serious as assault with a weapon in their teenage years.

The research, published in Psychological Science, a journal of the Association for Psychological Science, indicates that the participants came to internalize the stories they were told, providing rich and detailed descriptions of events that never actually took place.

"Our findings show that false memories of committing crime with police contact can be surprisingly easy to generate, and can have all the same kinds of complex details as real memories," says psychological scientist and lead researcher Julia Shaw of the University of Bedfordshire in the UK.

"All participants need to generate a richly detailed false memory is 3 hours in a friendly interview environment, where the interviewer introduces a few wrong details and uses poor memory-retrieval techniques."

Shaw and co-author Stephen Porter of the University of British Columbia in Canada obtained permission to contact the primary caregivers of university students participating in the study. The caregivers were asked to fill out a questionnaire about specific events the students might have experienced from ages 11 to 14, providing as much detail as possible. The caregivers were instructed not to discuss the questions with the student.

The researchers identified a total of 60 students who had not been involved in any of the crimes designated as false memory targets in the study and who otherwise met the study criteria. These students were brought to the lab for three 40-minute interviews that took place about a week apart.

In the first interview, the researcher told the student about two events he or she had experienced as a teen, only one of which actually happened. For some, the false event related to a crime that resulted in contact with the police (assault, assault with a weapon, or theft). For others, the false event was emotional in nature, such as personal injury, attack by a dog, or loss of a huge sum of money.

Importantly, the false event stories included some true details about that time in the student's life, taken from the caregiver questionnaire.

Participants were asked to explain what happened in each of the two events. When they had difficulty explaining the false event, the interviewer encouraged them to try anyway, explaining that if they used specific memory strategies they might be able to recall more details.

In the second and third interviews, the researchers again asked the students to recall as much as they could about both the true and false event. The students also described certain features of each memory, such as how vivid it was and how confident they were about it.

The results were truly surprising.
Of the 30 participants who were told they had committed a crime as a teenager, 21 (71%) were classified as having developed a false memory of the crime; of the 20 who were told about an assault of some kind (with or without a weapon), 11 reported elaborate false memory details of their exact dealings with the police.

A similar proportion of students (76.67%) formed false memories of the emotional event they were told about.

Intriguingly, the criminal false events seemed to be just as believable as the emotional ones. Students tended to provide the same number of details, and reported similar levels of confidence, vividness, and sensory detail for the two types of event.

Shaw and Porter speculate that incorporating true details, such as the name of an actual friend, into an account that was supposedly corroborated by the student's caregiver likely endowed the false event with just enough familiarity that it came to seem plausible.

"In such circumstances, inherently fallible and reconstructive memory processes can quite readily generate false recollections with astonishing realism," says Shaw. "In these sessions we had some participants recalling incredibly vivid details and re-enacting crimes they never committed."

There were, however, some differences between the students' memories for false events and their memories for true events. For example, they reported more details for true events and they reported more confidence in their descriptions of the true memories.

The fact that the students appeared to internalize the false events to the extent that they did highlights the fundamental malleability of memory:

"This research speaks to the distinct possibility that most of us are likely able to generate rich false memories of emotional and criminal events," says Shaw.

The findings have clear implications for criminal interrogation and other aspects of legal procedure, affecting suspects, witnesses, and those involved in both law enforcement and legal counsel. But they may also apply to interviews that take place in various other contexts, including therapeutic or even personal settings.

"Understanding that these complex false memories exist, and that 'normal' individuals can be led to generate them quite easily, is the first step in preventing them from happening," says Shaw. "By empirically demonstrating the harm 'bad' interview techniques -- those which are known to cause false memories -- can cause, we can more readily convince interviewers to avoid them and to use 'good' techniques instead."

Investigating the specific characteristics of interviewers and interview tactics that contribute to false memories can help improve interviewing procedure and minimize the risk of inducing false memories, the researchers conclude.

Story Source: Materials provided by Association for Psychological Science. J. Shaw, S. Porter. Constructing Rich False Memories of Committing Crime. Psychological Science, 2015.
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Being Weird is Normal, Psychologically Speaking.

Image result for weird is normal
behappy


When it comes to our brains,
there's no such thing as normal

There's nothing wrong with being a little weird. Because we think of psychological disorders on a continuum, we may worry when our own ways of thinking and behaving don't match up with our idealized notion of health. But some variability can be healthy and even adaptive, say researchers, even though it can also complicate attempts to identify standardized markers of pathology.

"I would argue that there is no fixed normal," says clinical psychologist and senior author Avram Holmes of Yale University. "There's a level of variability in every one of our behaviors." Healthy variation is the raw material that natural selection feeds on, but there are plenty of reasons why evolution might not arrive at one isolated perfect version of a trait or behavior. "Any behavior is neither solely negative or solely positive. There are potential benefits for both, depending on the context you're placed in," he says.

For instance, impulsive sensation seeking, a willingness to take risks in order to have new and exciting experiences that has its roots in our evolutionary history as foragers, is often thought of negatively. Increased sensation seeking is associated with things like substance abuse, criminality, risky sexual behavior, and physical injury. "But if you flip it on its head and look at potential positive outcomes, those same individuals may also thrive in complex and bustling environments where it's appropriate for them to take risks and seek thrills," he says. They often have more social support, are more outgoing, and exercise more.

The same is true for anxiety. "You might be more inhibited in social situations and you may find it harder to build friendships," Holmes says. "However, that same anxiety, if you think of it in a workplace setting, is what motivates you to prepare for a big presentation. If you're in school, that's the same anxiety that motivates you to study for an exam." He also notes that we have more control over the contexts we're in than we tend to think we do, which means that it's very possible to end up in an environment that favors the way our brains work.

But if variation in any given trait is normal, that does raise questions about what makes for disordered behavior, which he stresses is very much a real phenomenon. "It may be the case that if you focus on a single phenotype, there isn't a specific line that separates health from disease, and that we must consider multiple phenotypes simultaneously," he says.

This makes it much more complicated to try to find biomarkers for psychological illness, something that Holmes has worked on throughout his career. The usual approach is to break down a disorder into its component pieces, find a specific associated genetic marker or biological process for a certain piece, and then look for that marker or process in the general population to see if it can predict the disorder. The problem, he says, is that "one single phenotype in isolation is never going to be necessary nor sufficient to cause an illness."

"What we want to try to do is build multivariate approaches that consider multiple domains of human behavior simultaneously, to see if we can boost our power in predicting eventual outcomes for folks," he says. Large, open-source datasets have been collected in recent years that can be used in these efforts, but Holmes notes that the work will almost certainly require collaboration between different labs and institutions -- some of which is already underway.

What this does mean, though, is that it really isn't appropriate to think of ourselves in terms of a single trait that's either good or bad, healthy or unhealthy. "This is a broader issue with our society," he says, "but we're all striving towards some artificial, archetypal ideal, whether it's physical appearance or youthfulness or intelligence or personality. But we need to recognize the importance of variability, both in ourselves and in the people around us. Because it does serve an adaptive purpose in our lives."

Story Source:  Materials provided by Cell Press.  Avram J. Holmes, Lauren M. Patrick. The Myth of Optimality in Clinical Neuroscience. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 2018 (In press)
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How the brain listens to literature

Whole-brain analysis results for the action localizer scan in yellow
(hand action execution versus rest), and for the mentalizing localizer
in blue (false belief stories versus false photograph stories). The action
localizer activated the cortical motor system robustly, and the
mentalizing localizer led to activations in the previously defined
mentalizing network.



How the brain listens to literature

When we listen to stories, we immerse ourselves into the situations described and empathize with the feelings of the characters. Only recently has it become possible to find out how exactly this process works in the brain. Roel Willems and Annabel Nijhof have now succeeded using an fMRI* scanner to measure how people listen to a literary story. 

Everybody immerses themselves in stories in their own way. However, due to technological limitations, how we comprehend literature has only previously been studied at a group level without looking at individual differences. Willems and Nijhof show in this study that people focus on different aspects of the story when listening to literature.

Audiobooks in the fMRI scanner
Participants listened to chapters of different audiobooks, for example Island Guests by Vonne van der Meer and Thaw by Rascha Peper. Roel Willems of the Donders Institute at Radboud University says, 'We found that there were strong individual preferences; some participants were particularly focused on understanding the intentions and feelings of the main character, while other participants were much more focused on visualising the actions of the characters.'

Empathising with literature
'Most people can both empathise with feelings as well as imagine the visual surroundings and the actions of the characters,' according to Willems, 'but our fMRI results show that each subject has a preference for one over the other.' This neuroscientific study is one of the first to prove individual differences when it comes to empathising with literature.

Words, sentences, stories
This study is also unique because Willems studies 'real' language, i.e. language used in everyday life. 'Language in the brain is often studied by providing subjects with individual words and sentences. But, of course, language is much more than that. We let our participants listen to longer stories. This makes our publication a good example of brain research studying language that is very similar to the language people actually use.'

Functional magnetic resonance imaging or functional MRI (fMRI) measures brain activity by detecting changes associated with blood flow. This technique relies on the fact that cerebral blood flow and neuronal activation are coupled. 

Story Source:  Materials provided by Radboud University. Annabel D. Nijhof, Roel M. Willems. Simulating Fiction: Individual Differences in Literature Comprehension Revealed with fMRI. PLOS ONE, 2015
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