Too Many Pictures In Your Young Reader Book Hurts Learning.

Credit: © junce11 / Fotolia 

Mother and son reading together. Having fewer illustration
can lead to better word learning among pre-schoolers.

Picture overload hinders 
children's word learning from storybooks

Less is more when it comes to helping children learn new vocabulary from picture books, according to a new study.  While publishers look to produce ever more colourful and exciting texts to entice buyers, University of Sussex psychologists have shown that having more than one illustration per page results in poorer word learning among pre-schoolers.

The findings, published in Infant and Child Development, present a simple solution to parents and nursery teachers for some of the challenges of pre-school education and could help in the development of learning materials for young children.

Doctoral researcher and co-author Zoe Flack said: "Luckily, children like hearing stories, and adults like reading them to children. But children who are too young to read themselves don't know where to look because they are not following the text. This has a dramatic impact on how well they learn new words from stories."

The researchers read storybooks to three-year-olds with one illustration at a time (the right-hand page was illustrated, the left-hand page was blank) or with two illustrations at a time (both pages had illustrations), with illustrations introducing the child to new objects that were named on the page.
Children who were read stories with only one illustration at a time learned twice as many words as children who were read stories with two or more illustrations.
In a follow-up experiment, researchers added a simple hand swipe gesture to guide the children to look at the correct illustration before the page was read to them. They found this gesture was effective in helping children to learn words when they saw two illustrations across the page.

Zoe, who has written a blog post about the research, said: "This suggests that simply guiding children's attention to the correct page helps them focus on the right illustrations, and this in turn might help them concentrate on the new words.  Click here to read post:  How storybook illustrations impact word learning.

"Our findings fit well with Cognitive Load Theory, which suggests that learning rates are affected by how complicated a task is. In this case, by giving children less information at once, or guiding them to the correct information, we can help children learn more words."

Co-author Dr Jessica Horst, said: "Other studies have shown that adding 'bells and whistles' to storybooks like flaps to lift and anthropomorphic animals decreases learning. But this is the first study to examine how decreasing the number of illustrations increases children's word learning from storybooks."

She added: "This study also has important implications for the e-Book industry. Studies on the usefulness of teaching vocabulary from e-Books are mixed, but our study suggests one explanation is that many studies with e-Books are only presenting one illustration at a time."

The study is one of many being carried out at Sussex in The WORD Lab, a research group that focuses on how children learn and acquire language. Previous research has shown children learn more words from hearing the same stories repeated and from hearing stories at nap time.

Story Source:  Materials provided by University of Sussex.  Zoe M. Flack, Jessica S. Horst. Two sides to every story: Children learn words better from one storybook page at a time. Infant and Child Development, 2017.
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The New Sesame Street Julia Doll: An Autistic Review

Kris Guin
queerability.tumblr.com

Update August 6, 2019: The author no longer supports Sesame Street's "See Amazing" project because of their promotion of Autism Speaks. Please also note the following insights from Cal Montgomery:

The new Julia toy! Photo courtesy Kris Guin
[image: Stuffed "Julia" doll with orange hair, green eyes, yellow skin,
big happy mouth, pink dress, green pants, and black shoes.]

Sesame Street is a staple in children's television, and has used its platform to educate children about topics that need to be talked about and that children all over experience from racism to incarcerated parents to people with HIV and has shown support the LGBT community. Sesame Street has also included topics about people with disabilities from featuring a child with Downs Syndrome and a child who uses a wheelchair, and, now, Sesame Street has a character on the autism spectrum named Julia.

Sesame Street’s introduction of Julia has given visibility and dignity to autistic people of all ages. She is regularly shown as being accepted by her friends, and it is clear that her being autistic is not something to look down upon, but something to celebrate.

A part of Sesame Street’s promotion of autism acceptance is a line of Julia dolls. As an autistic person who grew up watching Sesame Street, I am thrilled to have the privilege to review a toy of an autistic character, and I am thankful to Hasbro for providing me with a toy of my own.

The doll looks just like the character from the television show. She has the same orange hair, green eyes, yellow skin, big and happy mouth, pink dress, green pants, and black shoes. The doll is made of polyester and filled with polyester fibers and stiffener. The mouth is kept wide open with plastic inserts. She has mobile ears, legs, arms, and neck.

Autistic people participate in something called “stimming.” Stimming can involve rocking back and forth, flapping hands, or fidgeting with something in our hands among other things and is a response to our sensory environment and way to communicate. As such, it is important that the toys we provide for autistic children are sensory-inclusive. The type of polyester used for Julia’s hair on this doll was pleasing for me to play with, but the type of polyester used on the rest of the doll was uncomfortable, especially for the dress which is loose on the doll and something that autistic children might want to stim with. As pleasing as the fabric on the hair was, I was disappointed to find that the hair was not stringy. Some autistic people like to stim with stringy things, and it would have been a good element to the doll if the hair was soft and stringy.

I also found it perplexing to have the mouth fixed wide open with plastic inserts because it might confuse some autistic children about why they can’t close Julia’s mouth. It would also be a good idea to have Julia’s nose be a fuzzy ball instead of being flat to give autistic children another part of Julia to stim with.

Overall, I’m very pleased that Sesame Street is not only including an autistic character but is also making toys that children who are autistic and not autistic can play with. This will help autistic children learn that they are celebrated, and it will help children who are not autistic learn to include autistic people as our friends.
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Your Hand Strength, Marriage Prospects and Mortality

Credit: © saksit / Fotolia 

Your handshake says something about your marriage prospects.


Get a grip: What your hand strength says
about your marriage prospects and mortality

Grip strength is an established measure of health and has
previously been linked to one's ability to cope independently 
and predicts the risk of cardiovascular diseases and mortality.

Researchers at Columbia University's Mailman School of Public Health and the Columbia Aging Center found men with a stronger grip were more likely to be married than men with weaker grips. Grip strength was not a factor in the marital status of women. The findings are published online in the journal SSM-Population Health.

"Our results hint that women may be favoring partners who signal strength and vigor when they marry," said Vegard Skirbekk, PhD, professor, Columbia Aging Center and Mailman School professor of Population and Family Health. "If longer-lived women marry healthier men, then both may avoid or defer the role of caregiver, while less healthy men remain unmarried and must look elsewhere for assistance."

Using a population-based study of 5,009 adults from the Norwegian city of Tromsø, the researchers examined the relationship of marital status to grip strength in two successive groups of people: those born 1923-35 and 1936-48, assessing the association between respondents' marital status and grip strength when respondents were aged 59 to 71. These data were matched with the Norwegian national death registry. Handgrip strength was assessed using a vigorimeter, a device that asks participants to squeeze a rubber balloon.

Grip strength is particularly important for older adults, and has implications for a host of health risks -- for heart disease and factures, physical mobility, the capacity to be socially active and healthy, and to enjoy a good quality of life. At the same time, marriage confers many of these same benefits.

The researchers found greater numbers of unmarried men with low grip strength in the second cohort -- those born 1936-48 -- than in the first cohort, reflecting societal trends that have increasingly deemphasized the importance of marriage. "In recent decades, women are less dependent on men economically. At the same time, men have a growing 'health dependence' on women," says Skirbekk. "The fact that many men are alone with a weak grip -- a double burden for these men who lack both strength and a lack of support that comes from being married -- suggests that more attention needs to be given to this group, particularly given their relatively poor health."

Policies to help this population might include housing arrangements that encourage social interaction and counselling to better prepare these individuals for old age and information on how to avoid negative health consequences of independent living. "New technologies may potentially offset some of the limitations that low grip strength may imply," says Skirbekk. "Social policies could also increasingly target this group by providing financial support for those who suffer the double-burden of low strength and lack of spousal support."

Story Source:  Materials provided by Columbia University's Mailman School of Public Health.  Vegard Skirbekk, Melissa Hardy, Bjørn Heine Strand. Women’s Spousal Choices and a Man’s Handshake: Evidence from a Norwegian Study of Cohort Differences. SSM - Population Health, 2018.
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Selfishness Makes the Brain Lazy; Egoists Don't Think About The Future

Image result for It's about me
Careers.Morgan McKinley

So many characters in fiction are egotistical, self-centered and annoying.  An egoist makes a great character to play with, to throw into conflict with others, and to use to drive story. 

This little bit of science shows that egoists have a "lazy brain", that they simply can't think about long term consequences.  Not exactly news, but now it's confirmed by scans.

Here's the story.
*  *  *  *  *

No future for egoists -- that's what their brain says!

Self-centred individuals do not worry about consequences, 
believing that these potential disasters are too far off.

With the help of neuro-imaging, researchers at the University of Geneva found that people deemed "egotistical" do not use the area of the brain that enables us to look into and imagine the distant future. In "altruistic" individuals, on the other hand, the same area is alive with activity. 

The research results, published in the journal Cognitive, Affective & Behavioural Neuroscience, may help psychologists devise exercises that put this specific area of the brain to work. These could be used to improve people's ability to project themselves into the future and raise their awareness of, for example, the effects of climate change.

The concerns experienced by human beings are built on their values, which determine whether individuals prioritize their personal well-being or put themselves on an equal footing with their peers. In order to encourage as many people as possible to adopt "sustainable" behaviour, it is thus necessary that they feel the consequences of climate change are relevant to them. Some individuals -- who are more self-centred -- do not worry about the consequences, believing that these potential disasters are too far off.

"We wondered what magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) could teach us about how the brain processes information about the future impact of climate change, and how this mechanism differs depending on the self-centeredness of the individual," says Tobias Brosch, professor in the Psychology Section at UNIGE's Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences (FPSE).

Are egoists only afraid of what directly concerns them?
The UNIGE psychologists turned to the report drawn up by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, where they identified predictions about the outcomes of climate change, such as a reduction in drinking water supplies, an increase in border conflicts and a spike in natural disasters. They then assigned a year in the future to each of these effects, stating when it would come to pass.

Brosch's team invited a panel of participants to complete a standardized questionnaire to measure the value hierarchies, marking the selfish or altruistic tendencies of each individual. One by one, the participants underwent an MRI before being shown the dated consequences of the events; they then had to answer two questions on a scale of 1 to 8: Is it serious? Are you afraid?

"The first result we obtained was that for people with egotistical tendencies, the near future is much more worrying than the distant future, which will only come about after they are dead. In altruistic people, this difference disappears, since they see the seriousness as being the same," explains Brosch.

Selfishness makes the brain lazy
The psychologists then focused on the activity in the ventromedial pre-frontal cortex (vmPFC), an area of the brain above the eyes that is used when thinking about the future and trying to visualize it. "We found that with altruistic people, this cerebral zone is activated more forcefully when the subject is confronted with the consequences of a distant future as compared to the near future. By contrast, in an egotistical person, there is no increase in activity between a consequence in the near future and one in the distant future," says Brosch.

This particular region of the brain is mainly used for projecting oneself into the distant future. The absence of heightened activity in a self-centred person indicates the absence of projection and the fact that the individual does not feel concerned by what will happen after his or her death. Why, then, should such people adopt sustainable forms of behaviour?

Set your projection capabilities to work
These outcomes, which can be applied to areas other than climate change, demonstrate the importance of being able to think about the distant future in order to adapt one's behaviour to the future constraints of the world. "We could imagine a psychological training that would work on this brain area using projection exercises," suggests Brosch. "In particular, we could use virtual reality, which would make the tomorrow's world visible to everyone, bringing human beings closer to the consequences of their actions."

Story Source:  Materials provided by Université de Genève.   Tobias Brosch, Yoann Stussi, Olivier Desrichard, David Sander. Not my future? Core values and the neural representation of future events. Cognitive, Affective, & Behavioral Neuroscience, 2018.
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New 1 in 59 CDC Autism Prevalence Rates Approach Reality

Shannon Des Roches Rosa

Today the CDC released new autism prevalence numbers of 1 in 59, or 1.7%. As we wrote in 2014 after the CDC adjusted its autism prevalence rate to 1 in 68, it's important to keep calm and think critically about what these readjusted numbers actually mean:
  • We are getting better at finding and diagnosing autistic kids. This is good news. As the CDC press release states, "Autism prevalence among black and Hispanic children is approaching that of white children." This means that more autistic kids who need support will have the opportunity to get it.
  • Many researchers and experts have long considered the CDC's estimated autism prevalence rates to be too low, and consider the 1 in 38 estimate from a 2011 study of autism prevalence in South Korea to be more realistic.
  • This is not evidence of some sort of "autism epidemic." Much of the increased autism prevalence rate in the past four decades—from autism being considered "rare," to nearly everyone knowing or being related to an autistic person—is due to both widened diagnostic criteria for autism, and diagnositic substitution (intellectual disability diagnoses decreasing at the same time autism diagnoses increase, for example). 
Additional findings from the CDC Report, per the press release:
The latest estimate of  1.7 percent (1 in 59) is higher than the previous ADDM estimate released in 2016, which found a prevalence of 1.5 percent or 1 in 68 children. Some of the change in prevalence could be due to improved autism identification in minority populations – although autism is still more likely to be identified in white children than in black or Hispanic children. 
About 1 in 59 eight -year-old children in 11 communities across the United States were identified as having autism in 2014, according to a report published today in CDC’s Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR) Surveillance Summary.
  • The data demonstrate that more work needs to be done to identify children with autism at a younger age and refer them to early intervention:
  • Fewer than half of the children identified in the Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network received their first autism diagnosis by the time they were 4 years old.
  • Although 85 percent of children with autism had concerns about their development noted in their health records by the time they were 3 years old, only 42 percent received a developmental evaluation by that age.
  • This lag between first concern and first evaluation may affect when children with autism can begin getting the services they need.
What this report demonstrates most clearly is that "autistic people—of all ages, races, and genders–have always been here"; we just need to get better at finding them. It's important to also note that the CDC data do not include autistic adults, and the agency has yet to do such a survey. However a 2012 report from the United Kingdom estimated adult autism prevalence at 1.1%, and the U.S. rate is unlikely to be much different. As The Autistic Self Advocacy Network stated after the 2014 CDC prevalence announcement:
“The lack of any data on adults represents a serious gap in CDC’s efforts. When the United Kingdom conducted an adult prevalence study, it found the same rate of autism in adults as children, helping to debunk public hysteria over a so-called ‘autism epidemic’.” 
The CDC's adjusted prevalence rate will probably still be criticized by those unfamiliar with the contributing factors above. Non-autistic people aged 40 and older frequently make assumptions such as, "we never had autistic kids in my school" and "I never knew anyone autistic growing up," when what is more likely is that they went to school with and knew plenty of autistic people who were undiagnosed—and who typically had to survive a lifetime of bullying and other abuse without appropriate supports or any understanding. They probably also never met high-support people like my teenaged son, because in previous generations disabled children with the highest support needs were usually either automatically institutionalized or hidden away at home, and so never had a chance to become part of their communities.

I am glad the CDC's autism prevalence rates are becoming more realistic, and hope wider understanding of what this data adjustment means will leader to more autism acceptance, as well as better autism services. I am also grateful to live in an era in which autistic and disabled advocates are, in parallel to these adjustments, demanding visibility and rights for autistic people of all abilities. My hope is that having better autism estimates plus wider autism understanding means my son won't get left behind by society—both now, or after I'm gone.

[image: Selfie of the author and her teenaged autistic son,
hiking on a sunny, grassy hillside.]


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Many Hurricane Harvey Deaths in Houston Occurred Outside a Flood Zone




houston-flood-map
Source:  Temblor.net

This Temblor map shows the FEMA flood map for the city of 
Houston. While not specifically designed for the impacts of
hurricanes, this map highlights how susceptible to flooding
Houston, the fourth largest city in the country, is.

The big lesson from Hurricane Harvey is that more flood-caused deaths happened outside of recognized 100-year flood plains.

The upshot is if you live in an area susceptible to flooding, do not depend on government issued flood plain maps to evaluate your safety.  It's not that anyone has done anything wrong in estimating flood plains, it's that new data shows we don't fully understand how floods happen.

As one of the researchers said, "It was surprising to me that so many fatalities occurred outside the flood zones."

i.e., there is more research needed to understand these events.
*  *  *  *  * 

Hurricane Harvey: Most fatalities occurred 
outside flood zones, Dutch-Texan research shows

A Dutch-Texan team found that most Houston-area drowning deaths from Hurricane Harvey occurred outside the zones designated by government as being at higher risk of flooding: the 100- and 500-year floodplains. Harvey, one of the costliest storms in US history, hit southeast Texas on 25 August 2017 causing unprecedented flooding, killing dozens. Researchers at Delft University of Technology in the Netherlands and Rice University in Texas published their results today in the European Geosciences Union journal Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences.

"It was surprising to me that so many fatalities occurred outside the flood zones," says Sebastiaan Jonkman, a professor at Delft's Hydraulic Engineering Department who led the new study.

Credit: SSPEED Center/Rice University 

A map of the Netherlands illustrates the
size and extent of flooding rains from 
Hurricane Harvey, an August 2017
tropical cyclone that inundated south-
east Texas. Harvey's highest recorded
 rainfall of 1539 mm (60.58 inches) 
was in Nederland, Texas.
Drowning caused 80% of Harvey deaths, and the research showed that only 22% of fatalities in Houston's 4,600-square-kilometre district, Harris County, occurred within the 100-year floodplain, a mapped area that is used as the main indicator of flood risk in the US.

Flood zones, or floodplains, are low-lying areas surrounding rivers and streams that are subject to flooding. To assess flood risk for insurance purposes and to set development standards, US authorities outline floodplains for 100- and 500-year floods. These events have a 1% probability (100-year flood) and a 0.2% probability (500-year) of occurring in any given year.

"Hurricane Harvey was much larger than a 100- or 500-year flood, so flooding outside of these boundaries was expected," says Jonkman. Rainfall totals in the week after the hurricane made landfall were among the highest recorded in US history, with over 1000 mm of rain falling in just three days in large parts of both Harris and surrounding counties. As a result, a report by Delft University found that "unprecedented flooding occurred over an area the size of the Netherlands."

Nonetheless, it was surprising for the researchers to find that so many of Harvey's fatalities happened outside the designated floodplains given that these zones are expected to be "reasonable predictors of high-risk areas," according to Jonkman.

The research began within days of the storm: "We wanted to identify lessons that could be learned, for both Texas and the Netherlands, from Harvey's impact and the local and government response to the flooding," says study co-author Antonia Sebastian, a postdoctoral research associate at Rice University's Severe Storm Prediction, Education and Evacuation from Disasters (SSPEED) Center, who was based at Delft University when Harvey struck.

The team compiled a database of fatalities, using official government records and media sources, which they analysed in the Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences study published today. They concluded that at least 70 deaths occurred as a consequence of Hurricane Harvey, including 37 in Harris County. Of the Harris County deaths, eight were in the 100-year floodplain, 10 more fell within the larger 500-year floodplain, and 19 were recovered outside the 100- and 500-year zones. "The number of fatalities outside of the floodplains highlights how widespread flooding from Harvey really was," says Sebastian.

The new study also shows that most fatalities -- over 80% -- were drownings, many occurring either in vehicles or when people were swept away while trying to get out of their cars. Six people died when their boat capsized during a rescue. The second largest causes of death were electrocution and lack of medical treatment, responsible for 6% of fatalities each.

About 70% of those killed by Harvey were men. The team thinks the reason behind the high percentage of male fatalities could be that men tend to show more risk-taking behaviour, such as driving through flooded crossings or taking part in rescues.

The researchers hope their findings encourage authorities to identify high risk areas outside of the designated floodplains and to take preventive measures to reduce the number of victims in future floods, including closing low water crossings and underpasses during extreme flood events.

Jonkman says that the current flood maps will need to be improved, but that floodplains should not be abandoned as an indicator of high-risk areas. "Better communication of their purpose and limitations would help reduce risk."

Story Source:  Materials provided by European Geosciences Union.  Sebastiaan N. Jonkman, Maartje Godfroy, Antonia Sebastian, Bas Kolen. Brief communication: Loss of life due to Hurricane Harvey. Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences, 2018.
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On Hans Asperger, the Nazis, and Autism: A Conversation Across Neurologies

by Maxfield Sparrow and Steve Silberman

How complicit was Hans Asperger with the murderous eugenic policies of the Third Reich in his role as the head of the Children’s Clinic at University of Vienna in the 1930s and 1940s? This painful question, which has vexed autism history for decades, has been reopened by the simultaneous publication of Edith Sheffer’s book “Asperger’s Children” and Herwig Czech’s paper in The Journal of Molecular Autism, “Hans Asperger, National Socialism, and 'race hygiene' in Nazi-era Vienna.”

By unearthing new information from the municipal archives in Vienna that was mistakenly believed to be lost, Sheffer and Czech make the case that Asperger was more culpable than historians previously believed. They portray him as a calculating, ambitious young physician who never joined the Nazi party but was “prematurely promoted” over the heads of his Jewish colleagues as they were purged from the university in the increasingly anti-Semitic atmosphere of mid-1930s Austria. They also claim that instead of protecting his young patients from the Reich’s “racial hygiene” laws, Asperger was willing to go along with his Nazi bosses—even to the point of referring patients to Am Spiegelgrund, a mental institution where, during the war years, children with hereditary disabilities were put to death.

On the basis of this evidence, Sheffer, who is the mother of an autistic teenager, argues that the phrase “Asperger syndrome” should be consigned to the dustbin of history. Furthermore, she suggests that the spectrum model of autism—created by British cognitive psychiatrist Lorna Wing and inspired in part by Asperger’s 1944 postdoctoral thesis—should be re-examined in light of the troubling circumstances of Asperger’s work.

Czech doesn’t go that far. "Regarding Asperger’s contributions to autism research," he writes, "there is no evidence to consider them tainted by his problematic role during National Socialism. They are, nevertheless, inseparable from the historical context in which they were first formulated, and which I hope to have shed some new light on. The fate of 'Asperger’s syndrome' will probably be determined by considerations other than the problematic historical circumstances of its first description—these should not, in any case, lead to its purge from the medical lexicon."

A roundtable discussion in the Children's Clinic, 1933
Photo courtesy of Maria Asperger-Felder
[image: Sepia-toned photo of five people sitting around
a round table with a white tablecloth, dishes, and food.]
While the new information uncovered by Czech and Sheffer is certainly disturbing, the fact that Asperger was working for Nazis when he wrote his influential thesis is not news. Steve Silberman’s “NeuroTribes,” published in 2015, outlined the hijacking of the Viennese medical establishment by the Third Reich after the German takeover of Austria in 1938 and the transformation of the University of Vienna from a mecca of learning to a center for “racial hygiene” propaganda. Silberman also revealed that two of Asperger’s Jewish colleagues, Georg Frankl and Anni Weiss—who were crucial in developing the compassionate model of autism that emerged from Asperger’s clinic—were rescued before the Holocaust by Leo Kanner, the child psychiatrist at Johns Hopkins who would go on to become famous after claiming to have discovered autism in 1943.

Then in 2016, based on their exclusive access to Czech’s research, John Donvan and Caren Zucker’s “In a Different Key” revealed Asperger’s complicity in child euthanasia, including the referral of a disabled girl named Herta Schreiber to Am Spiegelgrund. The US paperback text of NeuroTribes was also amended that year to reflect Asperger’s more problematic role. Since then, Czech and Sheffer have discovered even more evidence that Asperger became a willing cog in the Nazi machine.

The clinical term “Asperger syndrome” is already on the way out for reasons not related to the historical circumstances of the Viennese clinician’s work. It has already been removed from the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders or DSM-5, where the diagnosis was folded under the umbrella of “Autism Spectrum Disorder.”

For autistic people, however, Asperger’s syndrome is more than just a diagnosis. Since the 1990s, it has also served as a cultural identity for people on the spectrum who derive a sense of pride and community from the term “Aspie.” While most eponymous syndromes (syndromes named after those who discover them) could be renamed by medical practitioners with little impact on the people carrying the label, Asperger’s syndrome is different. The publication of Czech’s paper and Sheffer’s book—and the storm of clickbait media coverage that is sure to follow—has the potential to cause confusion and tribulation for autistic people and their families and allies.

To alleviate misconceptions and explore the dimensions of this impact, Thinking Person’s Guide to Autism has invited Steve Silberman, author of “NeuroTribes,” and autistic writer Maxfield Sparrow (formerly Sparrow Rose Jones), author of “The ABCs of Autism Acceptance,” “No You Don’t: Essays from an Unstrange Mind,” and a contributor to “The Real Experts” and other anthologies, to discuss the implications of this news.

Steve Silberman: The first thing I thought of when I read Sheffer’s book and Czech’s paper was the effects that they will have on autistic people who have tended to see Asperger as an ally from a past era of history. Max, how would you advise other autistic people to approach these texts?

Maxfield Sparrow: You are right, Steve, about the Autistic community historically viewing Asperger as our ally. I was identified as Autistic in 1974 (though I was unaware of that until 2015) and then re-diagnosed in 2001 as having Asperger’s syndrome. Shortly after my second diagnosis, I began participating in the Autistic community. I can’t remember when I first heard the Hans Asperger narrative, but for nearly as long as I can remember fellow Autistics shared the story: Dr. Asperger loved us and he wrote about the most “Nazi acceptable” of his patients and hid the others from view to save their lives—even to the point of allegedly burning his clinic records to protect the identities of diagnosed children. I believe that this Schindler-esque view of Asperger was (and still is) psychologically important to many Autistics. Aspies are no strangers to shabby treatment—from classmates, teachers, co-workers, even parents. There was something romantic about being named after a sort of father-figure savior who we believed saw our great value and protected us.

Although I am one of those who has let go of Asperger’s name and choose to only identify as Autistic, I’m apparently not as immune to that compelling apocryphal story as I’d presumed. When I was working toward a doctorate in political science, my chosen sub-field was history. Primary source documents and historical accuracy are sacred to me, so I thought I was prepared to read a more accurate history of Asperger’s words, actions, and presumed intentions. I was wrong. I have a pretty “strong stomach” when it comes to these topics and I didn’t need to skip over Aktion T-4 and the murders at the Kinderfachabteilungen when I read your book, difficult though those topics are. But Sheffer’s book hit hard. I already knew that Asperger was not the saint he was once portrayed to be, but I was not at all prepared for some of the nasty things he said about us, or how deep his co-operation with the Reich went. I would advise Aspies and other Autistics to approach these texts with extreme caution.

The hardest part for me was coming to realize how much the entire identification and naming of people with my neurotype was part of a tireless search to purge the Reich of all the non-compliant people. Asperger’s full name for our neurology was “autistic psychopathy” because our lower-than-neurotypical interest in social compliance was viewed as dangerous to the state. Sheffer says those identified as psychopaths were people “such as ‘asocials,’ delinquents, and vagrants” who “threatened social order.” We Autistics are still fighting lifelong battles against those who go to great lengths—sometimes abusive and deadly lengths—to force us to comply with their wish for us to not be Autistic. We still threaten social order. I opened this book thinking “history,” and closed it thinking “origins of an ongoing human crisis.”

Steve Silberman: Yes, I understand. I imagine many autistics will deservedly feel a sense of betrayal by Asperger for being complicit with the Reich’s racial hygiene policies, as if they’d discovered that their own grandfather had an SS uniform at the back of his closet. Herwig Czech has made a career of exposing the Nazi connections of figures in medical history like Walther Birkmayer, the Austrian neurologist who discovered the value of levodopa, which is still the most potent drug for the treatment of Parkinson’s disease. The uncomfortable truth is that many areas of science are tainted by Nazi associations.

Another compromised historical figure relevant to autism research is Andreas Rett, the discoverer of Rett syndrome. Like Asperger, Rett was implicated in Nazi eugenics policies, including the euthanasia of children, though he went on to become an advocate for the rights of disabled people after the war. The term Rett syndrome is still in wide use, with many people completely unaware of its Nazi associations. But because Asperger syndrome became a pop-culture phenomenon as people realized the truth of Asperger's observation that once you learn to recognize the distinctive traits of autism, you see them everywhere, this news may affect many more people.

I think the work of exposing the culpability of these historical figures is valuable and necessary, which is why I agreed to be one of the peer reviewers of Czech’s paper for the Journal of Molecular Autism. Because of my research on the Nazi context of Asperger’s work in “NeuroTribes,” the new information in Czech’s paper and Sheffer’s book did not come as a total shock to me. I had already rewritten the US paperback text of NeuroTribes—which has been out for two years—to reflect Asperger’s more problematic role, including his signature on Herta Schreiber’s death warrant. But there’s new information in Czech’s paper and Sheffer’s book that will have to be taken into account when appraising the totality of Asperger’s legacy.

For a long time, Asperger has been viewed mostly in a positive light; now the pendulum is swinging in other direction. But I suspect that the most realistic picture of Asperger is neither a Schindler-like savior nor a Nazi supervillain. He was, most likely, a complicated and conflicted man who belonged to a group of medical professionals that recognized the potential of “autistic intelligence” long before anyone else did but who was willing to go along with his Nazi bosses even when Jewish storefronts were burning in front of his eyes—an image that haunted me while I was writing my book, and coincidentally appears in Sheffer’s book as well. Czech and Sheffer admit that there is no way of knowing how many children Asperger may have saved from euthanasia by using his position—but one child sent to “permanent placement” at Am Spiegelgrund is too many. The willingness of clinicians to go along in the face of great evil is what made it possible for the Nazis to transform the Austrian medical establishment into an industry of death. If you weren’t risking your life by actively resisting, you became complicit in the horror that was created. That’s a heavy lesson for this historical moment, when government officials are routinely asked to ignore norms and ethics to fulfill various agendas.

While researching the Third Reich’s war of extermination against disabled people for “NeuroTribes,” I often found myself weeping at my computer thinking about the children who perished in places like Am Spiegelgrund. As a gay Jew and the son of Communists, I would have been condemned to death in a concentration camp several times over. When I sent a draft of my book to Shannon Rosa—who is one of the editors of Thinking Person’s Guide to Autism and the mother of Leo Rosa, the subject of the chapter called “The Boy Who Loves Green Straws”—she told me she was traumatized thinking of what would have happened to her son under the Nazi regime.

Maxfield Sparrow: I really relate to what you’re saying. As a gay, transgender Autistic, I would have been killed several times over, too. I have a history of asking the uncomfortable and forbidden questions, which makes me unpopular with authority figures. And many of my interests—which I tend to pursue with a characteristically Autistic tireless passion—would have condemned me, as well. For example, I’ve learned from reading Ulrich Lins’ La Dangxera Lingvo that my great love for Zamenhof’s constructed language, Esperanto, would have gotten me sent to a concentration camp or gulag. Sometimes I think I’m blending in and passing for neurotypical, but my Autistic neurology is always plainly obvious to anyone who understands what they’re seeing. It gets me in trouble all the time. I would not survive long in a “Fourth Reich.” There’s something I wondered as I was reading Sheffer’s book, Steve. Why was the first printing of “NeuroTribes” so kind to Asperger?

Steve Silberman: The consensus among German and English-speaking historians when I was doing my research was that Asperger actively protected his patients by emphasizing their potential usefulness to the Reich. For example, Asperger once suggested that his autistic patients could aid the war effort by working as codebreakers. As Czech makes clear in his paper, the notion that Asperger quietly resisted the Reich’s efforts to round up and exterminate his patients—even at risk of danger to himself—was the conclusion of nearly everyone who had ever written about the social context of his work, starting with Uta Frith, who translated Asperger’s 1944 thesis into English. The first paper to specifically examine Asperger’s role under the Third Reich, by Brita Schirmer in 2002, was subtitled “Hans Asperger’s defense of the ‘autistic psychopaths’ against Nazi eugenics.” Adam Feinstein, author of the 2010 book A History of Autism: Conversations with the Pioneers, concluded that “There seems to be no evidence whatsoever” that Asperger had “affinities” with the murderous views of the Reich, adding that “indeed the very opposite seems to be the case.”

The fact that Asperger never joined the Nazi party while many other medical professionals did added weight to the notion that he quietly defied the Reich while working within the system to his patients’ advantage. After the war, Asperger claimed to have been nearly arrested by the Gestapo twice, and specifically denied involvement in euthanasia. The reason I didn’t attempt to overturn that consensus was that I didn’t have access to the data in Sheffer’s book and Czech’s paper, which they deserve credit for uncovering. It was widely believed that Asperger’s case files had been destroyed during the war, but Czech found them in a municipal archive in Vienna. That’s where a lot of this new information is coming from.

Way back in 2011, soon after beginning my research for NeuroTribes, I heard rumors that Asperger had been more complicit with the Nazis than was generally believed. Someone claiming to be a friend of a well-known autism researcher told me that Asperger had “trained a unit of autistic super-killers” for Hitler. That story, and several others, turned out to be ableist nonsense based on little more than crude stereotypes of autistic people—in fact, when I finally got to ask that well-known autism researcher about the guy who told that story, he’d never heard of him. I chased rumors like that around for months. In the 1980s, Eric Schopler, the founder of the TEACCH program in North Carolina, strongly objected to the adoption of the phrase “Asperger’s syndrome,” claiming that Asperger had Nazi affiliations. But he was unable to provide any hard evidence.

Then I saw a reference to Herwig Czech, a scholar of medicine at the University of Vienna. I wrote to him and asked him to tell me what he knew about Asperger and the Nazis. He said he had recently given a lecture on the subject and promised to share the information he had when he was done with a book in several months. I didn’t hear from him. Over the next several years, I wrote to him six more times, revealing parts of the picture that I’d come up with to prove that my research was serious—such as the fact that Asperger’s former colleague at the clinic, Erwin Jekelius, became the head of the killing center at Am Spiegelgrund. Each time, Czech apologized for the delay and assured me that he’d eventually share what he knew.

Not until I read a review of my book by Simon Baron-Cohen, and an advance reading copy of “In a Different Key,” did I realize that Czech had shared his information exclusively with the authors of that book and Baron-Cohen. But even then, when I asked Czech to tell me what he knew so that I could revise the text of “NeuroTribes” in a timely manner, he refused, telling me that he wanted to first publish the information under his own name. I’m relieved that now, finally, this important body of information is available to other scholars. The publication of Czech’s paper and Sheffer’s book should not be regarded as the end of a discussion. It’s the beginning of a more informed discussion that’s ongoing.

This whole experience has been a lesson to me in how competition for priority can distort the process of excavating history. I’m still proud that I was able to dig up so much about how the Third Reich transformed the psychiatric establishment into a killing machine—a “diagnosis regime,” as Sheffer aptly puts it. I got as much right as I could with the information I had access to. This is history moving forward, as it should.

Max, I’m curious how you believe autistics subvert the current social order?

Maxfield Sparrow: Thanks for asking that, Steve. I don’t get to talk about the lived experience of autism from this angle as often because I’m nervous about appearing too radical. I’m usually talking about how challenging life is for us, how often we are social outcasts, how the thin slice studies showed that people prejudge us harshly in just micro-seconds of seeing or hearing us (though we fare better than neurotypical subjects when people only see our written words), how many of us are homeless or unemployed. All of that is the flip side of this same subversive coin, though.

Our existence subverts the social order because we are different in ways that make people angry. People enjoy when celebrities are different. For example, Eddie Izzard became immensely popular by coming out as a transvestite, even wearing high heels, dresses, and make-up on stage. But he has that “osmotic” understanding of social communication with other neurotypicals that is so deeply valued that it is invisible. It’s like air: because we need to breathe to survive, we value an oxygenated environment so much that most people barely even think about breathing. When the air is bad or our access to it is cut off in some way, people become understandably distressed.

The same is true of the kind of social communication that does not come naturally to Autistics. Because we’re not on the same page and not following the “proper” scripts (yes, everyone has scripts, not just Autistic people) we are distressing to those around us. I have a hypothesis that people who don’t understand or appreciate us feel pain when they interact with us and we say and do unexpected or “inappropriate” things. That pain is what stirs classmates and teachers to bully us in childhood. Pain and confusion are what lead employers to fire us or reject us from the outset. Pain is the precursor to the shocking level of disgust many people direct at us.

Even Asperger noticed that people don’t seem to like us. Sheffer quotes him saying, “Nobody really likes these people,” and “The community rejects them.” What makes us subversive is that we are human beings with as much right to be here as anyone else and we are asserting that right. We assert it individually by continuing to try to get an education, earn a living, and live our lives in the face of social oppression. And, more and more, we are asserting it collectively. We get louder and louder as we support one another and gain confidence. We are attracting allies, like you, and they are helping to get our message heard. It’s a message that people don’t want to hear because they know all the way down to their toenails that it is right to accept and support people who are different but...well...a lot of them genuinely dislike us. We aren’t conveniently disappearing into institutions or death or a “cure,” so our ongoing presence and growing demand for a seat at the table is disruptive to social order.

Our non-compliance is not intended to be rebellious. We simply do not comply with things that harm us. But since a great number of things that harm us are not harmful to most neurotypicals, we are viewed as untamed and in need of straightening up. Sheffer writes that Dr. Asperger called this non-compliant trait malicious, mean, and uncontrollable. She notes him describing Autistic children as having a “lack of respect for authority, the altogether lack of disciplinary understanding, and unfeeling malice.” That appears to be the majority opinion of us today as well. If we were not threatening to the social order in some way, there would not be therapies designed to control how we move our bodies and communicate.

Don’t get me wrong: I’m not anti-therapy. I embrace therapies that help me with some of my Autistic co-occurring conditions like circadian rhythm disruption and digestive malfunction. I welcome treatments for epilepsy—a co-occurring condition found in 25% - 30% of Autistics—because I’ve seen how much suffering epilepsy brings. My late fiancé died from SUDEP, a fatal complication of epilepsy, and before his death I watched seizures shred his attempts at living a full life. What I am against are therapies to make us stop flapping our hands or spinning in circles. I am against forbidding children to use sign language or AAC devices to communicate when speech is difficult. I am against any therapy designed to make us look “normal” or “indistinguishable from our peers.” My peers are Autistic and I am just fine with looking and sounding like them.

One good thing that came out of reading Sheffer’s book was that it brought me a step closer to understanding and embracing Autistic Pride. I struggle with being okay about being Autistic and often Autistic Pride seems just a bridge too far. But seeing more clearly that we have always faced the barriers we face today has stirred some pride in being part of a people who survive against the odds. Seeing non-compliance pathologized by Nazi doctors makes me proud to belong to a people who resist oppression. And realizing that so much of what passes for therapy and accommodation today would be wholeheartedly embraced by Nazi doctors reminds me that the monsters who killed Autistic children 80 years ago were also human beings with families and friends and loving relationships. It reminds me that otherwise good people today could also be monsters.

At the Judge Rotenberg Center, Autistic people are being abused with electric shock. This is no different from Ivar Lovaas and his brutal autism “therapy” of the 1960s that you exposed in NeuroTribes. This is little different from monstrous Nazi experiments. Autistic people are subversive because we have protested the JRC and our allies have joined us. We are part of the rubber stopper that holds back a flask of evil. If the stopper gets knocked out, beware! It is a sign that oppression will soon come flooding into the world in an opened Pandora’s Box of misery that will leave no one untouched. We are marginalized canaries in a social coalmine and Rawlsian barometers of society’s morality. It is deeply subversive to live proudly despite being living embodiments of our culture’s long standing ethical failings.

Steve Silberman: “It is deeply subversive to live proudly despite being living embodiments of our culture’s long standing ethical failings”—that’s such a beautiful statement. One of the dangers of reading Czech’s paper and Sheffer’s book in isolation without knowing more about disability history is that you can fool yourself into thinking, “Oh yes, that was horrible, but what did you expect from Nazis? Thank God that era is over.” For disabled people, the era of crimes against humanity is never over.

In his great book “Unstrange Minds: Remapping the World of Autism,” Roy Richard Grinker talks about autistic people being forced to live in cages in Peru in the 1970s, under signs reading “No Te Acerques Por Que Muerdo” (“Beware, I Bite”). Just two years ago, images emerged from Australia of a cage a school principal built to confine a 10-year-old boy. In France, where autism is still considered a form of psychosis, autistic children are subjected to bizarre form of “treatment” called le packing, where they’re wrapped tightly in water-soaked sheets. New stories of abuse of autistic people—by teachers, parents, police, and other authorities—seem to emerge every week.

Obviously, the Reich’s extermination programs against disabled children and adults represent a singular, incomparable level of brutality. Sheffer’s book and Czech’s paper paint very detailed landscapes of how Nazis normalized this violence to the point where, as Sheffer hauntingly puts it, death became “a treatment option.”

But it’s deeply sobering to note that, in many cases when Nazi clinicians referred a disabled child to a killing center, the parents were begging them to do it, because they had been so indoctrinated with the notion that disabled people represent an unfair burden on the state and a source of shame for families. There are echoes of that every time a politician bent on reducing taxes reduces a disabled person to the sum of their Medicaid payments.

There’s a tendency to see the barbaric conditions in the Austrian institutions that Czech and Sheffer describe as purely a product of the Nazi ethos, but several of the American institutions I describe in my book were equally barbaric and brutal, even if the staff didn’t practice euthanasia. My book describes Ivar Lovaas, who led the development of Applied Behavior Analysis for autism at the University of California in Los Angeles, subjecting kids to experimental “treatments” for autism that can only be called torture, zapping them with electrified floors or bombarding them with ear-splitting noise. If we think unimaginable cruelty toward autistic people ended with the Allies’ victory over Hitler, we’re fooling ourselves.

I admire Sheffer’s scholarly work on detailing what she calls Asperger’s “slide into complicity.” Now more than ever, we have to be aware of how violence against stigmatized people—whether it’s Jews, immigrants, people of color, or kids with autism—can quickly become institutionalized, just a part of how society works, “common sense.” Believe me, when I was writing “NeuroTribes,” I never thought I’d see Nazis in the news so soon. Sheffer’s book is well timed. Unfortunately, in the epilogue, she makes a very offbase claim: “Ultimately, Lorna Wing regretted how she brought Asperger’s ideas to the English-speaking world and changed the face of autism.” I did one of the last in-depth interviews with Lorna before she died in 2014, and nothing could be further from the truth. Lorna considered her discovery of Asperger syndrome and the broadening of autism into a spectrum to be the crowning achievements of her career.

Lorna Wing, mother of the autism spectrum
photo courtesy of Steve Silberman
[image: A smiling older white woman, wearing a
blue floral shirt, and sitting in a chair.]
As the mother of a profoundly disabled girl named Susie, Lorna knew how hard it was for families who couldn’t access a diagnosis and services. That’s why she “changed the face of autism” by broadening it into a spectrum—inspired by Asperger’s thesis, yes, but primarily based on a living reality: the lives of the patients in her practice and how much support they needed but weren’t getting. The spectrum is not a product of Nazi ideology, as Sheffer implies. It’s a product of Lorna’s compassion for her patients.

To support her claim, Sheffer quotes Lorna out of context on the limits of labels in a way only an autism specialist would be able to appreciate. But when I read the passage to Lorna’s life-long research collaborator Judith Gould over the phone a couple of weeks ago, she said, “That’s completely wrong.” Thankfully Czech doesn’t go there in his paper.

I also think they both go overboard sifting through Asperger’s papers for his harshest statements about autistic people, while framing his positive statements about their skills, abilities, and potential as merely “tacked on,” as Sheffer puts it, and completely acceptable to his bosses as proof of his patients’ usefulness to the state. It’s a valuable point to make, but I think they go too far.

Max, for instance, based on your reading of Sheffer’s book, you said earlier, “Asperger called this non-compliant trait malicious, mean, and uncontrollable.” That’s partly true, but that’s also a result of Sheffer’s relentless cherry-picking, because at the same time, Asperger insisted that the non-compliance of his patients, and their tendency to rebel against authority, was at the heart of what he called “autistic intelligence,” and part of the gift they had to offer society.

One of my favorite anecdotes from Asperger’s thesis is when he asks an autistic boy in his clinic if he believes in God. “I don’t like to say I’m not religious,” the boy replies, “I just don’t have any proof of God.” That anecdote shows an appreciation of autistic non-compliance, which Asperger and his colleagues felt was as much a part of their patients’ autism as the challenges they faced. Asperger even anticipated in the 1970s that autistic adults who “valued their freedom” would object to behaviorist training, and that has turned out to be true.

Sheffer makes much of Asperger’s alleged focus on his patients’ malice, but if you actually read his thesis1, he spends much more time praising their creativity and originality. That’s why clinicians like Lorna and Uta were attracted to his work in the first place. Asperger’s insights into autism were based on years of work and observation not just by Asperger himself, but by his colleagues Georg Frankl and Anni Weiss, who were both Jewish, as well as their colleagues Josef Feldner and Viktorine Zak.
As I first reported in “NeuroTribes,” Frankl and Weiss were eventually able to escape the Holocaust with the help of Leo Kanner, who went on to develop his own model of autism, which was narrower than Asperger’s. That accounted for the low rates of diagnosis until Lorna came along and introduced the idea of the spectrum. In fact, it’s possible that Kanner would never have discovered autism, or certainly written about it so astutely, without the help of Frankl and Weiss.

There are clues in Sheffer’s book and Czech’s paper that the situation in Asperger’s clinic was complex even after they left and through the war. Right after “NeuroTribes” was published, I got email from a relative of a Jewish boy named Hansi Busztin, who Josef Feldner hid in his apartment through the war at great risk to himself, adopting him afterward and raising him as his own son. Czech reports that 100 people in Feldner’s social circle knew about it, which is highly unusual. At one point, Feldner warned Asperger that some of his public statements were “a bit too Nazi for your reputation”—which suggests Asperger was playing a complicated game of making concessions to his bosses while seeming to oppose the Nazis’ most egregious excesses to his friends.

Busztin’s memoir describes “a group of opponents to National Socialism on the Heilpadagogik ward.” So even during the war, there was resistance within the clinic. That’s important. Czech speculates that Asperger eventually left to serve on the front lines in Croatia so he wouldn’t be implicated in the hiding of the boy. But as Sheffer puts it, “Even the extent to which one could, or should, make moral judgments is an open question. Asperger was a minor figure in the child euthanasia program, nowhere near as active as some of his associates… he was not personally involved in killing… Asperger’s actions were perhaps less straightforward than any of these labels suggest.”

I do agree with Sheffer that sorting autistic people into “high-functioning” and “low-functioning” bins carries echoes of Nazi ideology. Under the Reich, being branded as ineducable or low-functioning meant you were expensive ballast on the ship of state, and worthy of a death sentence. But let’s not forget that in America for most of the 20th Century, a diagnosis of ‘“classic” autism meant life-long institutionalization on a lockdown ward where patients were routinely beaten, restrained, and subjected to the horrible experimental treatments. That’s barely better than a death warrant, and it was mainstream American psychiatry for most of the 20th Century.

I want to ask you, Max—how are functioning labels used to divide the autistic community today?

Maxfield Sparrow: That’s an interesting question, because Sheffer’s recent article in the New York Times has dramatically changed my answer from what it would have been just a few weeks ago.

There is a long history of functioning labels being used to divide the Autistic community, both externally and internally. Externally, function labels get leveled at us from the autism community. (The Autistic community is the community of people who are actually Autistic. The autism community is a larger community comprised of everyone with any stake in autism at all: Autistic people plus non-autistic parents of Autistic children and adults, doctors, researchers, teachers, and so on.)

The autism community gives us narratives about functioning labels like:

  • Autism should never have been made so broad. Those high-functioning people aren’t really even autistic and they are taking away money and resources that could be going to help children like mine.
  • High-functioning autistic people aren’t disabled and we should help them because they come up with great ideas that will save the world. Low-functioning autistic people, however, are suffering and disordered and we should keep looking for a cure to help them.
  • People with Asperger’s (a.k.a. mild autism, a.k.a. high-functioning autistics) have no excuse for not working. If they are on disability they are just scamming the system. Only low-functioning autistics deserve disability.
  • High-functioning people should never be institutionalized. Only low-functioning autistics need to be in institutions and sheltered workshops.

Sometimes Autistics who have internalized the ableism and division that we hear every day from the world around us echo these divisive beliefs. I have met people who refer to themselves as “high-functioning autistics” because they are ashamed or afraid that if they just call themselves “autistic” they will be accused of lying or they will be mistaken for “somebody who might have to wear adult diapers and maybe a head-restraining device,” as one leader in the Asperger’s community said when he heard the DSM-5 was going to remove Asperger’s syndrome as a distinct diagnosis. Others have held on to the Asperger’s/Aspie identity despite it no longer being an official medical diagnosis.

While my second diagnosis was Asperger’s syndrome, I rejected the Asperger’s label many years before the DSM-5 came out and do not like being called an Aspie. I have written on several occasions, including in my book, “The ABCs of Autism Acceptance,” criticizing those who continue to identify as Aspies or having Asperger’s, accusing them of being divisive to the community. Under DSM-IV, I accepted those who continued to identify as Aspie, but once it was no longer a medical category, I felt that those who continued to use the Asperger’s label were clinging on to it because it was the equivalent of calling oneself a high-functioning autistic.

There is a phrase some people use: “Aspie Supremacist,” meant to describe the sort of person who feels that having Asperger’s makes them the next step in human evolution, far superior to others. I went so far in my book as to paraphrase Martin Niemöller’s poem about persecution under the Nazi Regime, saying, “Then they oppressed those Autistics Who Needed Round the Clock Care and I did not speak up because I was able to live independently.” My intention was to shame those who used functioning labels of any kind (including the Aspie identity) to ignore the needs of some of our Autistic siblings while holding their own needs and self-image higher.

I am sorry now that I wrote those things. I still believe the Autistic community needs to remain unified. But I have no business shaming others for the name they use to communicate their autism. I am not, nor do I want to be, the identity police. Sheffer’s article and book made it clear that she is battling Asperger’s name because she is battling the notion of a full Autistic spectrum. She wouldn’t be the first to try to kick those of us who speak and live independently out of our diagnoses. With the information coming out about Asperger’s words and actions, she makes a strong case for removing his name from autism. Many people would like to see those of us who have been diagnosed with Dr. Asperger’s name removed from our autism diagnoses as well. They have decided we are “too high functioning” to be Autistic.

The thing so many Autistics have pointed out about functioning labels is that we are called “low-functioning” by those who choose to ignore our strengths and “high-functioning” by those who choose to ignore our challenges. There is no official definition for these functioning labels. I’ve noticed researchers defining what they mean when they say they are studying a low functioning or high functioning population, and the chosen definitions vary from study to study, complicating meta-analyses. The labels are meaningless in an objective, scientific sense.

Several years ago I was looking for some help and was rejected by one agency, which said I was too high functioning and referred me to another agency. That second agency rejected me for being too low functioning. I concluded that function labels are what others use to try to control us and act as gatekeepers to the things we need to survive and thrive. Functioning labels are weapons used against us.

But the way I pointed out how the labels “Asperger’s syndrome” and “Aspie” were weapons when used as dog whistles for “high-functioning” ultimately made me part of the problem and reinforced the divisions we already experience from outside our Autistic community. Seeing Sheffer’s attack made me feel protective of my siblings who still identify as Aspies. I don’t like when we are overly medicalized and pathologized, so I should be happy to see people defending their identity even as the medical industry seeks to remove it from them.

When the chips are down, I will always join with my neurotribe. So I want to officially state that, while I still don’t personally want to be called an Aspie, I am ready to fight on behalf of my Autistic siblings who do connect with that identity—not as a euphemism for high functioning, but as a cultural marker of their understanding of themselves and the world we live in. No, you cannot take away the identity of thousands of Autistics! Asperger had deep flaws, but the identity that has grown around his name is valid and the people who identify with Asperger’s have the right to decide for themselves whether to keep his name or not.

Steve Silberman: I agree. I think autistic people should be leading the response to this new information and determining what happens to the phrase Asperger’s syndrome. One of the best things that could come out of this is a wake-up call, because concepts like eugenics reassert themselves in every historical era—whether it’s Nazis talking about “life unworthy of life,” geneticists in Iceland talking about “eradicating” Down syndrome through selective abortion, a presidential candidate mocking a disabled reporter from the podium while bragging about his “good genes,” or autism charities framing autism as an economic burden on society. Resisting institutionalized violence requires perpetual vigilance.

----
1. Asperger, Hans (1944). 'Autistic Psychopathy' in Childhood. (U. Frith, Trans.)
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CRIME: Can Handwriting Experts be Trusted?

Image result for handwriting experts
Source: Handwriting Forensics


Okay, crime writers, here's the latest group of experts whose expertise you can question.  Eye witness testimony is flawed, DNA evidence can and has led to false convictions, and forensic body identification is not as accurate as some would lead you to believe.  Add to this that true crime TV is creating a better educated criminal, and people, especially teenagers can be convinced they committed a crime that never occurred. 

Sounds like we're dealing with humans here, doesn't it.

Here's this latest bit of uncertainty:
*  *  *  *  *

Can estimates from forensic handwriting
experts be trusted in court?

"The overall error rate even for experts is large enough as to raise questions about
whether their estimates can be sufficiently trustworthy for presentation in courts,"


New study indicates that experts are not 100 per cent adept at assessing how often specific handwriting features occur in the general population.  Forensic handwriting specialists are often called on to testify in court about the origins of a few lines of writing, or to determine whether a specific person has written a sentence. Scientific and forensic institutions also increasingly ask these experts to state the likelihood that a specific handwriting feature will occur in handwriting in the general public. Following a new study, researchers are now advising courts to take a cautionary approach when using experience-based likelihood ratios as evidence.

Researchers set out to examine whether handwriting experts are better able to estimate the frequency of certain features in the handwriting of Americans than novices. To do so, they recruited eighteen court-practicing handwriting specialists (eight practicing in the US), and 77 people (36 from the US) with no previous training or experience in analysing handwriting.

The non-US residents were from Australia, Canada, the Netherlands, South Africa or Germany. All participants were given samples to examine from a recently collected database of handwriting features that had not yet been released into the public domain. The samples came from a database funded by the US National Institute of Justice that is now being used to statistically estimate the frequency of handwriting features in a sample representative of the US adult population.

Experts are marginally better than novices
Using this database, they were able to compare the performance of experts and novices, as well as US participants and people from other parts of the world. The researchers found that experts are marginally better than novices at estimating how often specific handwriting features occur in the writing of the general population, but they are not able to do so with complete accuracy. However, the estimations given by handwriting experts do reflect a level of knowledge and skill. Results showed that the US experts were better than their counterparts from other parts of the world at estimating the frequency of features in handwriting samples.

"The overall error rate even for experts is large enough as to raise questions about whether their estimates can be sufficiently trustworthy for presentation in courts," notes Martire. "We suggest that a cautious approach should be taken before endorsing the use of experience-based likelihood ratios for forensic purposes in the future."

Story Source:  Materials provided by Springer.  Kristy A. Martire, Bethany Growns, Danielle J. Navarro. What do the experts know? Calibration, precision, and the wisdom of crowds among forensic handwriting experts. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 2018.
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Did the Dinosaurs Create an Industrial Civilization? How Would We Know?

Credit: University of Rochester illustration/Michael Osadciw

How do we really know there weren't previous industrial civilizations on Earth that
rose and fell long before human beings appeared? That's the question posed in a
scientific thought experiment by University of Rochester astrophysicist Adam Frank.

I've wondered what would happen in the world of science if someone found a fossilized jaw from 65+ million year old dinosaur that included a carefully repaired tooth, root canal, cap and all.  Our knowledge of antiquity says that can't be.  But are we sure?

How do we know that ours is the first and only advanced civilization on the planet? 

If you watch shows on archeology such as Time Team (full series on YouTube), you know that manufactured items in steel, iron, bronze and pottery are eroded and rotted away to next to nothing in a few thousand years.

What would be left after a million years?  Or sixty-five plus million years?

And what will be left of our culture in few thousand years?  Supposing we don't survive this next millennium as a species.   There is no guarantee that we will.

*  *  *  *  *

We think we're the first advanced
earthlings -- but how do we really know?

Imagine if, many millions of years ago, dinosaurs drove cars through cities of mile-high buildings. A preposterous idea, right? Over the course of tens of millions of years, however, all of the direct evidence of a civilization -- its artifacts and remains -- gets ground to dust. How do we really know, then, that there weren't previous industrial civilizations on Earth that rose and fell long before human beings appeared?

It's a compelling thought experiment, and one that Adam Frank, a professor of physics and astronomy at the University of Rochester, and Gavin Schmidt, the director of the NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies, take up in a paper published in the International Journal of Astrobiology.

"Gavin and I have not seen any evidence of another industrial civilization," Frank explains. But by looking at the deep past in the right way, a new set of questions about civilizations and the planet appear: What geological footprints do civilizations leave? Is it possible to detect an industrial civilization in the geological record once it disappears from the face of its host planet? "These questions make us think about the future and the past in a much different way, including how any planetary-scale civilization might rise and fall."

In what they deem the "Silurian Hypothesis," Frank and Schmidt define a civilization by its energy use. Human beings are just entering a new geological era that many researchers refer to as the Anthropocene, the period in which human activity strongly influences the climate and environment. In the Anthropocene, fossil fuels have become central to the geological footprint humans will leave behind on Earth. By looking at the Anthropocene's imprint, Schmidt and Frank examine what kinds of clues future scientists might detect to determine that human beings existed. In doing so, they also lay out evidence of what might be left behind if industrial civilizations like ours existed millions of years in the past.

Human beings began burning fossil fuels more than 300 years ago, marking the beginnings of industrialization. The researchers note that the emission of fossil fuels into the atmosphere has already changed the carbon cycle in a way that is recorded in carbon isotope records. Other ways human beings might leave behind a geological footprint include:
  • Global warming, from the release of carbon dioxide and perturbations to the nitrogen cycle from fertilizers
  • Agriculture, through greatly increased erosion and sedimentation rates
  • Plastics, synthetic pollutants, and even things such as steroids, which will be geochemically detectable for millions, and perhaps even billions, of years
  • Nuclear war, if it happened, which would leave behind unusual radioactive isotopes

"As an industrial civilization, we're driving changes in the isotopic abundances because we're burning carbon," Frank says. "But burning fossil fuels may actually shut us down as a civilization. What imprints would this or other kinds of industrial activity from a long dead civilization leave over tens of millions of years?"

The questions raised by Frank and Schmidt are part of a broader effort to address climate change from an astrobiological perspective, and a new way of thinking about life and civilizations across the universe. Looking at the rise and fall of civilizations in terms of their planetary impacts can also affect how researchers approach future explorations of other planets.

"We know early Mars and, perhaps, early Venus were more habitable than they are now, and conceivably we will one day drill through the geological sediments there, too," Schmidt says. "This helps us think about what we should be looking for."

Schmidt points to an irony, however: if a civilization is able to find a more sustainable way to produce energy without harming its host planet, it will leave behind less evidence that it was there.

"You want to have a nice, large-scale civilization that does wonderful things but that doesn't push the planet into domains that are dangerous for itself, the civilization," Frank says. "We need to figure out a way of producing and using energy that doesn't put us at risk."

That said, the earth will be just fine, Frank says. It's more a question of whether humans will be.

Can we create a version of civilization that doesn't push the earth into a domain that's dangerous for us as a species?

"The point is not to 'save the earth,'" says Frank. "No matter what we do to the planet, we're just creating niches for the next cycle of evolution. But, if we continue on this trajectory of using fossil fuels and ignoring the climate change it drives, we human beings may not be part of Earth's ongoing evolution."

Story Source:  Materials provided by University of Rochester.  Gavin A. Schmidt, Adam Frank. The Silurian hypothesis: would it be possible to detect an industrial civilization in the geological record? International Journal of Astrobiology, 2018.
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Why The Bubbles in a Glass of Guinness Sink: The Math of the Perfect Pint.



This is my kind of science.  As a bona fide stool holder with a personalized stein (Jacomus de'Paganus Fatuus) at a popular German tav, I know a good pint when I see one. 

But the question is:  why do the bubbles in a freshly pulled pint of Guinness sink?  No, it's not an optical illusion, and no, you've not imbibed too much when you notice it.

The bubbles do sink.  And it has to do with. . . oops, getting ahead of myself.

Here's the story, which also details how to brew the perfect cup of joe. 

And it's all in the numbers.
*  *  *  *  *


The secret behind a choice cuppa
or a perfect pint -- a mathematician

Professor shows how the science of maths can aid the profits of industry

IF you want to know how to pour the perfect pint or create the ultimate cup of coffee, then you really need a mathematician.  That might not be the most obvious choice, but major companies are increasingly aware that they can solve conundrums and improve their products by calling on specialists in the burgeoning discipline known as industrial mathematics. They include William Lee, recently appointed professor in the subject at the University of Huddersfield.

Two of his most high-profile research projects were triggered by drinks giant Diageo -- which wanted Professor Lee to investigate the strange behaviour of bubbles in a glass of Guinness -- and by electrical goods conglomerate Philips, which commissioned research on how to obtain the best results from filter coffee machines.

He has also carried research for major companies in fields that include pharmaceuticals, using mathematics to investigate topics such as arterial disease.

The Guinness bubbles research has created widespread media interest over recent years and earned light-hearted plaudits such as The Economist Babbage Award for Bizarre Boffinry. But it has also proved to be highly productive academically, resulting in a sequence of scientific articles. The latest is Sinking Bubbles in Stout Beers, published by the American Journal of Physics.

It was while Professor Lee was based at the University of Limerick that he was asked to investigate the counter-intuitive behaviour of bubbles in a glass of Guinness -- they sink rather than rise. After simulations and experiments, which he completed following a move to the University of Portsmouth, it was decided that the shape of the glass, with its sloping walls, was the determining factor.

The latest article describes how a mathematical model -- which provides greater focus than computer simulation -- was used in order to provide conclusive proof.

"People think that the Guinness glass is designed to optimise the settling time," said Professor Lee. "But now we have a better understanding of the theory behind it, we might be able to make an even better glass so that it settles faster. Unfortunately, the ideal shape would look like a giant cocktail glass!"

Mathematical ideas
Professor Lee was drawn to industrial mathematics when he realised the research potential it offered. At the University of Limerick -- where he remains an Adjunct Professor -- he founded its Industrial Mathematics Unit, which carries out consultancy work in mathematical and statistical modelling for industry. At the University of Huddersfield, he is establishing an Institute for Mathematics and Data Science.

"There are two basic places you can look for new mathematical ideas," said Professor Lee. "One is just digging deeper into existing mathematics and the other is to go out and look for new phenomena, and industry is full of those."

"It's much more rewarding to work on a problem where you know someone is interested in the solution!"

Specialists in industrial mathematics hold study groups that resemble academic conferences, but also invite industry figures to come and present their problems. This is how Professor Lee and his collaborators were first enlisted by Diageo to work on issues around bubbles in stout and the serving of Guinness.

It was also the point of contact for another high-profile strand of Professor Lee's research -- the quest for a perfect cup of coffee from the filter machines manufactured by Philips. The result was a mathematical model of coffee brewing that could be used to aid the design of machines. There were also significant findings about the processes by which coffee is extracted from beans.

This led to the co-authored 2016 article Coffee extraction kinetics in a well mixed system, in the Journal of Mathematics in Industry. Now, Professor Lee is moving from filter coffee to espresso, investigating the link between strength and flavour.

Story Source:  Materials provided by University of Huddersfield.  W. T. Lee, S. Kaar, S. B. G. O'Brien. Sinking bubbles in stout beers. American Journal of Physics, 2018
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